Raising funds for the Patriotic Fund in 1854.

” The Patriotic Fund was raised to assist the widows and children of those killed in action or dying on active service during the Crimean War. ”  – Hansard (HC Deb 26 February 1901 vol 89 cc1187-8). The idea of fundraising seems to be fairly forward looking, given that the Allied invasion of the Crimea had only begun on the 14th of September 1854. Having said that, by the time of the meeting in Cobh  there had already been three battles [Alma, Balaclava, and Inkerman] and British casualties were approaching 8,000 with approximately 1,500 dead.

There is a gaggle of family at the meeting, though it’s unclear how many O’Bryens are there. Henry H. O’Bryen is definitely there because of the reference to Capt. O’Bryen. But the reference to R. H. H. O’Bryen confuses things a little. Robert is R.H. O’Bryen, and Henry is H.H O’Bryen so they could well both have been there. Both were in Cobh at the time, aged forty, and thirty-nine respectively. Dr. Verling, R.N. is James Roche Verling who is their rather older [aged 67] first cousin once removed. His first cousin James Ronayne is there, who is also their second cousin.



A meeting of the inhabitants of Queenstown was held in the Court-house, at 12 o’clock to-day,(13th November 1854)  for the purpose of receiving subscriptions in aid of the ” Patriotic Fund,” and appointing a committee to collect subscriptions through the town. The attendance was rather thin, and amongst those present were :- Rear Admiral Sir Wm. F. Carroll; W. M. Drew, J.P.; Captain Purvis, R.N.; Rev. Mr. Lombard; Wm. Cronin, M.D.; Lieutenant Williams, R.N.; John Cronin, M.D.; James Seymour;  Horace T. N. Meade, M.D.; S. Harman; Dr. Verling, R.N.; Rev. Mr. Conner, Michael Graham, Dr. Scott, Mr. Sheppard, Rev. Mr. Pounce, James Ronayne, Hugh Cole, R. H. H. O’Bryen, James Hammond.

On the motion of Dr. Meade, seconded by Capt. O’Bryen, the chair was taken by Rear Admiral Wm. F. Carroll.

Mr. S. T. French and Dr. Meade were requested to act as secretaries to the fund, and Mr. Hammond consented to act as treasurer.

The Chairman said, on such an occasion as the present it was unnecessary for him to address the meeting at any length. They all knew the purpose for which they had assembled – to assist the widows and orphans of those who had perished gallantly fighting for the cause of their country (hear, hear).

A committee was then appointed, consisting of the magistrates of Queenstown Petty Sessions, the local clergymen of all denominations, together with Capt. H. H. O’Bryen, Capt. de Courcey, Dr. Scott, and Dr. Meade.

The Chairman begged to observe that, wherever the committee might happen to go throughout the town, he hoped even the smallest subscriptions would be thankfully received ; for such sums would, from persons in humble circumstances, as expressively show the feeling that existed abroad in the cause of those who were suffering from the loss of their husbands, and the poverty of their fatherless children, as larger sums received from wealthier people (hear, hear).

A subscription list was then opened, and in the course of few minutes a sum amounting to £87 was collected ; but it expected when the returns from the committee of solicitation are received, that a large sum will be realised.

Cork Examiner Monday 13th November 1854  © THE BRITISH LIBRARY BOARD. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

Rory Oge O’More/Ruaidhri og ua Mordha

O’MORE, RORY or RURY OGE (d. 1578), Irish rebel, called in Irish Ruaidhri og ua Mordha, was second son of Rory O’More, captain of Leix, by Margaret, daughter of Thomas Butler, and granddaughter of Pierce or Piers Butler, eighth earl of Ormonde [q. v.] (cf. Lodge, Peerage of Ireland, ed. Archdall, iv. 19; and Harl. MS. 1425, f. 119b). Sir Henry Sidney once called him ‘an obscure and base varlet,’ but his family was one of the most important of the minor Irish septs, and also one of the most turbulent.

Rory O’More (fl. 1554), the father, was son of Connell O’More (d. 1537), and early acquired the character of a violent and successful chieftain. On the death of Connell a fierce dispute broke out between the three sons—Lysaght,Kedagh, and Rory—and their uncle Peter the tanist. Peter was for the time a friend of the Butlers. Consequently the deputy, Lord Leonard Grey, supported the sons; and, although Peter was acknowledged chief, Grey got hold of him by a ruse, and led him about in chains for some time, Kedagh then seems to have secured the chieftainship, Lysaght having been killed; but he died early in 1542, and Rory, the third brother, succeeded. He, after a period of turmoil, agreed on 13 May 1542 to lead a quieter life, and made a general submission, being probably influenced by the fact that Kedagh had left a son of the same name, who long afterwards, in 1565, petitioned the privy council to be restored to his father’s inheritance. Like other Irish chiefs of the time, O’More was only a nominal friend to the English. In a grant afterwards made to his eldest son his services to King Edward VI are spoken of; but they must have been of doubtful value, as an order of 15 March 1550-1 forbade any of the name of O’More to hold land in Leix (App. to 8th Rep. Dep.-Keep. Publ. Rec. Ireland). At some uncertain time between 1550 and 1557 Rory O’More was killed, and was succeeded by a certain Connell O’More, who may be the Connell Oge O’More mentioned in 1556 in the settlement of Leix (cf. Bagwell, Ireland under the Tudors, i. 400, and Cal. State Papers, Irish Ser. 1509-73, pp. 135,414). He was put to death in 1557 (Annals of the Four Masters, ii. 1545). Rory left two sons, Callagh and Rory Oge. Callagh, who was brought up in England, was called by the English ‘The Calough,’ and, as he describes himself as of Gray’s Inn in 1568, he may be assumed to be the John Callow who entered there in 1567 (Foster, Reg. of Gray’s Inn, p. 39). In 1571 Ormonde petitioned for the Calough’s return, and soon afterwards he came back to Ireland, where in 1582 he was thought a sufficiently strong adherent to the English to receive a grant of land in Leix (Cal. State Papers, Irish Ser. 1574-85, pp. 392, 412).

Rory Oge O’More, the second son, was constantly engaged in rebellion. He received a pardon on 17 Feb. 1565-6, but in 1571 he was noted as dangerous, and in 1572 he was fighting Ormonde and the queen at the same time, being favoured by the weakness of the forces at the command of Francis Cosby, the seneschal of Queen’s County, and the temporary absence of Ormonde in England. In this little rebellion the Butlers and the Fitzgeralds were united against him; but when, in November 1572, Desmond escaped from Dublin, it was Rory Oge O’More who escorted him through Kildare and protected him in Queen’s County (cf. 12th Rep. Dep.-Keep. Publ. Rec. Ireland, p. 78). He was mixed up in Kildare’s plots in 1574, and taken prisoner in November. But he was soon free, and Sidney, when on his tour in 1575, wrote of him: ‘Rory Oge O’More hath the possession and settling-place in the Queen’s County, whether the tenants will or no, as he occupieth what he listeth and wasteth what he will.’ However, O’More was afraid of the deputy, and when Sydney came into his territory, he went to meet him in the cathedral of Kilkenny (December 1575), and ‘submitted himself, repenting (as he said) his former faults, and promising hereafter to live in better sort (for worse than he hath been he cannot be).’ Hence we find a new pardon granted to him on 4 June 1576 (ib. p. 179). But in the next year he hoped for help from Spain, and, pushed on by John Burke, his friend, he made a desperate attack on the Pale. He allied himself with some of the O’Connors, and gathered an army. On 18 March 1576-7 the seneschal of Queen’s County was commanded to attack Rory Oge and the O’Connors with fire and sword (13th Rep. Dep.-Keep. Publ. Rec. Ireland, p. 25). There was good reason for active hostilities, as on the 3rd the insurgents had burned Naas with every kind of horror. Sidney wrote to the council the same month: ‘Rory Oge O’More and Cormock M’Cormock O’Conor have burnt the Naas. They ranne thorough the towne lyke hagges and furies of hell, with flakes of fier fastned on poles ends’ (Cal. State Papers, Irish Ser. 1574-85, p. 107; cf. Carew MSS. 1575-88, f. 110). Later in the year O’More captured Harrington and Cosby. They were rescued by a ruse. O’More’s wife and all but O’More himself and one of those who were with him were killed. Infuriated at being caught, O’More fell upon Harrington, ‘hacked and hewed’ him so that Sidney saw his brains moving when his wounds were being dressed, then rushing through a soldier’s legs, he escaped practically naked (Carew MSS. 1575-88, f. 356). He soon afterwards burned Carlow; but in an attempt to entrap Barnaby Fitzpatrick, baron of Upper Ossory, into his hands, he was killed by the Fitzpatricks in June 1578, and his head set up on Dublin Castle. He left a son, Owen McRory O’More, whom John Burke, son of the Earl of Clanricarde, took charge of. The English got hold of him after some difficulty, and foolishly allowed him to return to his own country. He became as great a rebel as his father, and, after a life of fighting and plundering, in which, however, he recovered almost all Leix, was killed in a skirmish near Timahoe, Queen’s County, 17 Aug. 1600. Moryson called him ‘a bloody and bold young man,’ ‘The Four Masters’ an ‘illustrious, renowned, and celebrated gentleman.’ After his death the importance of the O’Mores as a sept was gone.

[Bagwell’s Ireland under the Tudors; Webb’s Compendium of Irish Biogr.; Cal. of State Papers, Irish Ser., and of the Carew MSS.; State Papers; Annals of the Four Masters, ed. O’Donovan, vols. vi. vii.; authorities quoted.]

Source: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900, Volume 42 O’More, Rory (d.1578) by William Arthur Jobson Archbold

On either side in the Easter Rising 1916

” Gerald Neilan was the first British officer to die in the Rising; his brother was a rebel.” – Irish Times. The shot that killed him was fired from the Mendicity Institute on the banks of the River Liffey.

Mendicity Institute, Dublin

I came across three extraordinary articles recently. Two from the Irish Times, and one from the Irish Mirror, they were all written about two years ago, on the centenary of the Easter Rising, and I’m not going to quote them entirely. You can read them here – Irish Mirror – 26 Mar 2016Irish Times – Mon, Mar 28, 2016, – Irish Times – Sun, Apr 24, 2016,

I’ll let the Irish Times tell the next part of the story.


” In Glasnevin Cemetery there is a faded headstone over the Neilan family plot. Husband and wife John and Eva Neilan are buried there. They came originally from outside Roscommon town. After her husband died, Eva Neilan moved to Dublin. She died in 1930, outliving the first of her children listed on the headstone Lieutenant Gerald Neilan R.D.F (Royal Dublin Fusiliers).”

” His date of death is instructive as to when and why he died — “killed in Dublin, Easter Monday 1916, aged 34”. Neilan was the first British officer to die in the Easter Rising. He was an Irishman so “strongly nationalistic in his sympathies as to be almost a Sinn Féiner”, according to the author Stephen Gwynn. He was one of four Neilan brothers who served in the army during the first World War, three of them as doctors in the Royal Army Medical Corps (RAMC)……. One Neilan brother though took a different path. Arthur Neilan was sworn into the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) in 1913 and joined the Irish Volunteers shortly afterwards. He was only 18. On Easter Monday, Arthur Neilan was told by Patrick Pearse to proceed to the Four Courts garrison which needed reinforcements and found himself fighting in the same garrison that had killed his brother earlier that day. ” – Irish Times

All the stories reflect quite strongly on the tragic irony of Arthur Neilan serving along side the men who killed his brother, and the story of Irishmen fighting Irishmen on the streets of Dublin. What they don’t do is look in greater depth at what and who these men were, and I suspect the real story is a great deal more complicated than it looks at first sight.

The second Irish Times article, and the Irish Mirror article both quote a niece of both men, and the overall tone of the articles creates a very different picture from what is actually the case. As is often the way, the family folklore takes on a life of its own, and doesn’t appear to quite tell the real story. The first real clues to look at are the sentence ” He (Gerald)  was an Irishman so “strongly nationalistic in his sympathies as to be almost a Sinn Féiner”, according to the author Stephen Gwynn.”  and “ It is so, so sad because they should have been a happy co-operative family. They were loyal to the British. They looked on Arthur as a rebel.”. – S.M. –  Gerald and Arthur Neilan’s niece

Stephen Gwynn (1864-1950)

The two seem to contradict each other quite strongly. So let’s look at them in a little more depth. The quote from Stephen Gwynn seems to have been added to the Irish Times article from a book ” According to their Lights by Neil Richardson “ The Collins Press, 2015. A fuller quote is below.

” Stephen Lucius Gwynn – Irish Party M.P. , and also a Connaught Rangers officer later wrote in John Redmond’s Last Years (1919) about the ambush that killed Gerald Neilan on Ellis Quay. He recalled that Neilan “was so strongly Nationalist in his sympathies as to be almost a Sinn Féiner”, and that among the other Royal Dublin Fusiliers casualties “Others had been active leaders in the Howth gun-running. It was not merely a case of Irishmen firing on their fellow countrymen; it was one section of the original Volunteers firing on another. “

So the question now is how ” British ” were the Neilan brothers. The family folklore continued in an interview in the Irish Mirror  “The family had always lived in Roscommon. My grandfather was a Justice of the Peace and a loyal British subject. Of course a lot of the people were then – they were in Great Britain. I never met my grandmother because she died in 1930. My grandfather John Alexander Neilan had sadly died in 1903, so I didn’t meet him either. But seven of their children survived to be grown-ups, and I knew all but two quite well………But because they had been brought up to be extremely British, and my grandfather was a Justice of the Peace, I think they were terribly hurt when Arthur went and fought for the rebels.”

This part of the story of the two brothers is starting to cause some problems. It’s told from a very British perspective, and almost certainly reflects the side of the family that had either moved to co. Durham before the First War, or settled there after the War. I think the bigger question is how Irish were the Neilan brothers, and the answer is very.  Maria O’Conor their maternal grandmother was a fourth cousin of Owen O’Conor (1763 – 1831) who became the O’Conor Don in 1820. He was Patrick Grehan I’s brother-in-law, so stretching things almost to breaking point there is a family link. So the Neilan boys are fourth cousins twice removed from great-uncle Owen.

The Times has another go at Dan O’Connell – January 1839

This was published in The Times, on the 31st of January 1839. As I said in previous posts, The Times uses any opportunity to have a go at Dan if they possibly can. This is a rather random letter to The  Times, not really in response any political events at the time. But it does allow them to claim the O’Connells aren’t  ‘gentlemen’, or have a landed background. Whether they would have given a toss is a moot point. But both ‘ A West Briton ‘ – an interesting name, showing the writer thinks of himself as British, but living in the western part of the British Isles, i.e. Ireland, rather than an Irishman; and ‘Kerryman’ with his rather pompous language, and occasional use of Latin tell us rather a lot about themselves. There’s a big bit of mop-haired blond British buffoons about both of them. The sort of chaps (and it’s always a chap) who refer to their ‘lady wives’, and remember a glorious imperial past that never was, and wear tartan trousers with dinner jackets when they’re not Scottish.

The worst is says about the O’Connells is they’re not gents, have an Irish speaking mother who doesn’t like the English, are wheeler-dealers, good at cards, and a fairly solid accusation they are smugglers. But also, crucially, for an English audience aren’t ‘One of us.’


Genealogy of Daniel O’Connell


Lincoln’s Inn

Sir,- The account given in your paper of this morning of the descent of the notorious Connell alias O’Connell, is perfectly correct. Any member of Lincoln’s-inn can inform you, on reference to the books for the year 1794 that he was entered of that society as as “ Connell, Daniel”, though it is also certain that he was called to the lrish bar as Daniel O’Connell in 1798. It is also quite true that the mendacious mendicant  is in no way connected with the O’Connells of CIare. The late Mr. Connell O’Connell, solicitor of Dublin, who was a junior branch of that family, and who died only about three years ago, never either in speech or in writing addressed O’Connell otherwise than as “ Daniel Connell.” There is not a peasant in Kerry who does not know that Connell, alias O’Connell, does not possess a foot of fee-simple property. He is tenant to the college of Dublin, to Mr. Serjeant Goold, and, if I mistake not, to Mr. R. Day, formerly one of the justices of the King’s Bench in Ireland. It is also notorious that Lakeview, the residence of James Connell, alias O’Connell, the agitator’s brother, is a residence rented on lease, and though John Connell alias O’Connell, another brother, is possessed of some fee-simple property, yet he has it “ jure-uxoris.” [by right of (his) wife] 

Derrynane House

There is now resident in England a gentleman who remembers Derrynane Abbey ! (God bless the mark !) a thatched farmhouse within a period so recent as 40 years. All this were unimportant and trivial touching the history of any well-conducted man, who had risen by his own honest exertions to fame and fortune – nay, it were illiberal and unjust to reflect on the humble birth of such character; but when a fellow, whose origin is not only mean, but ignominious, dares to asperse the first men in the country, it is fitting that his own pretensions should be sifted. There was a time when he had a purpose to serve, when Daniel Connell (alias O’Connell) used to recommend his cousin Jeremiah M’Carthy, tailor of Dawson-street, Dublin, to public patronage; but now we hear no more of this relationship, as Daniel wishes to be taken for a modish and well-born person. In Tralee, however, they know better. About ten years ago the article which I send you was published in a newspaper in that town. It was today handed to me by a near relative of the writer; a gentleman of one of the most ancient families of Kerry who I believe could bring witnesses on oath to prove all, or nearly all, the allegations contained in it. I pray you to give it to your readers in extenso, and oblige your constant reader.




“ The account given of the Counsellor and his parents in the New Monthly is in many instances inaccurate, and in some parts quite deficient; to correct the one or supply the other would occupy more time than I am willing to devote to it, and even did I enter upon the task, the thing, to use an expression of his Malafidus Achates. Cobbett, would be still incomplete. I therefore think it the more eligible plan to give to you, and through you, Sir, to the public, such recollections of Dan’s early life and that of his parents as may from time to time flit across my memory. To commence in the usual style    a place called Ca———-   situate on a small creek on an arm of the sea, near the village of Cahirciveen, in the semi-barbarous and barren district of Iveragh, and the county of Kerry (I like to be precise when treating on an important subject), had the honour of giving birth to Daniel Connell. His parents, with some account of one of whom I purpose filling this letter, were Morgan and Maurneen Connell,[sic] for such was the name the latter was known by in the country. The only particulars I can remember about her are that she spoke her vernacular tongue, the ‘ Gaelic,’ in its native purity, had a most invincible contempt for the ‘ Sassenachs,’ or English; so much so, that she was never known to utter a syllable of their language, and seconded the experimental exertions of her helpmate in realizing an ‘un-confiscated property’ in the most indefatigable and spirited manner. Morgan, the sire (for he must not be called father), was, as I recollect him in my boyish years, a smart, bustling, intelligent chap, holding that amphibious place in society which may be conceived but not drawn, and which can only be described by a series of negatives. He was not a gentleman, nor a farmer, nor a mechanic, nor a wholesale merchant, nor a retail-dealer, nor a peasant, nor of any one of these classes per se. You may then perhaps ask me what was he? He was, in fact, a compound of all these, and such as at the present day you may happen to meet with in some parts of North America, but in no other part of the habitable globe. His son has happily hit him off in his very classical and gentlemanly description of Her Majesty’s Ministers, whom he speaks of as being neither “ fish, flesh, nor good red herring’, but a kind of ‘olla podrida,’ or toss-up of the whole.”  To the casual observer the countenance of old Morgan presented an honesty of expression which might lead to the supposition that its possessor was at least simple if not absolutely idiotic, but should he have had the occasion to engage in any intercourse with him, deeply would he feel his own simplicity in coming to so hasty a conclusion; for, though uncouth and vulgar in his manners, ‘ Morgan had that within which passeth show,’ and the shrewd physiognomist at once perceived a certain cut of visage, and a Machiavellian arrangement of features, which expressed as plainly as could the bumps and prominences of the celebrated Doctors Gall and Spurzheim the intriguing and money-getting propensities of their possessor. Often have I seen him sitting on a small rudely-formed chair, at the end of the bridge of     C————, near the road leading into the village, clothed in what the fashionables of modern life call a Waterloo-coloured suit of frieze, with an ink-bottle appended to his buttonhole, and a goose-quill betwixt his finger and thumb, taking orders from the peasantry for the various contents of the store, for such was the high-sounding name bestowed upon a quondam stable, be it a bit of soap, a yard of tape, a noggin of whisky, a metal button, a pound of iron for the spade or horseshoe, or any other little article, almost from an anchor to a needle – old Morgan could accommodate all, and at all times, from the various and chaotic articles with which his repository abounded; – his only charge was the moderate profit of cent percent, on the first cost, and, should the purchaser not have the specie [money in the form of coins rather than notes]  at hand, why he was ready to adopt the bartering principle of the early ages, and take either the firkin of butter or porkeen pig in lieu thereof. But enough of his appearance and primitive mode of doing business; his employments were as numerous as they were diversified, and some of them of so contradictory a nature as to puzzle the mind of an ordinary man to reconcile them; but Morgan was not an ordinary man: he was in truth a most extraordinary character, and much I fear the village of Cahirciveen ‘ ne’er shall look upon his like again.’ Cahirciveen considered him as its Caleb Quotem [ A character from a Colman play from 1808 called “The Review”, it means ‘jack of all trades’.], and though he may not have drawn the teeth of its inhabitants, they all admit that he shaved them closely, bled them profusely. and critically filled all the ordinary functions with which that dramatic personage is usually invested. Though his ambition was rather of an encroaching kind, I never yet heard that he allowed it to take such possession of his faculties as to lead him to the imagination of his being of feudal or princely descent ; nor even have I heard it whispered that he supposed there was any connexion between him and the visionary monarchs of lveragh. His good sense may perhaps, have prevented the assumption of the theoretical part of Royalty, but the same good sense it was, no doubt, if we can believe ‘ common fame,’ who is frequently deemed a common liar, and which from my own knowledge I will not take upon myself to say she is not in the present instance, which dictated to him the exclusive exercise of one of Royalty’s most valuable prerogatives – the importation of his goods duty free.

This prerogative he and his brother Maurice, better – known by the name of  ‘Hunting-Cap,’ ( if the assertions of that romancing damsel I have before alluded to are to be depended on,) carried to the greatest extent, and to this, and the principle of free trade, which these ‘Adelphi’ [brothers] brought into so early and extensive operation – that to them, I believe and not to Messrs. Cannings and Huskisson, we must give the credit of its invention – is Daniel indebted for that ‘un-confiscated property’ which he spoke of in his evidence before the House of Peers as being solely in his possession. His assertion at the time, I know, puzzled many; but it may so happen that, with the clue which I have now furnished the learned gentleman’s evidence will not appear so problematical, and any doubt they may have entertained will be removed; for if, by a form logicians call concession, we only substitute the means whereby a thing is procured, for the thing procured, then Daniel’s testimony is quite reconcilable and he really is in possession of property that never yet was confiscated. [This is the allegation of smuggling]

In the eager pursuit of his favourite theory that of free trade, the principles of which he had not at the time I am about to speak of, fully tested by such extensive experiments as at a subsequent period, old Morgan did not quite overlook those accomplishments which refine the human mind, and elegantly dissipate the ennui which will at times beset even the most industrious of mortals. No man in the country round could handle a ‘deck of cards’ with more dexterity than old Morgan, and few persons, if any, could calculate with a nicer accuracy, not even Counsellor:- L——-—k of gambling notoriety and Morgan’s countryman, the proper moment to lay down the ace of hearts, the five fingers or jack of trumps. An instance of the heights  to which he attained in this accomplishment it may not be inopportune to give you, especially as to it and the sound discretion he then used, his after accumulation of wealth, and consequent power of performing those experiments I have before alluded to, is mainly attributable. Old Morgan held in early life a farm from the late Earl of G—n—-e, and on the due day went to that nobleman’s residence at A—d—r  abbey, in order to pay his rent. After its payment and getting a receipt, a ceremony he never overlooked., ‘ fast bind, fast find,’ being his favourite aphorism, he was almost proceeding homeward, when the day turning out extremely wet, his noble landlord, with his usual condescension, requested him to remain. Morgan hesitated, but at length Lord G—- being seconded by his fascinating Countess, he succeeded in detaining him. It is almost unnecessary to observe, that everything was done to make his visit comfortable, and render him quite at home. A difficult task you, Sir, will admit, when there exists so great a disparity of rank, and, a feeling of insignificance on the part of the guest; their endeavours, however, were crowned with success, and after dinner, his noble hostess, still anxious to add to the tenant’s amusement, asked him if he played cards.  Morgan then, in a hesitating manner, and as if afraid to refuse, replied, ‘ A little, my Lady,’ and a game was selected, such as was considered would best suit itself to the extent of his acquirements in that polite accomplishment. The event, however, was not that which her Ladyship anticipated, and the game terminated with Morgan having won the entire sum which he had paid that morning as rent. Lady Gr——, like other losing gamesters, attributed her ill luck to an unfavourable run of the cards, and not to old Morgan’s superior experience, and requested him, in expectation of retrieving her loss, to change the game. Morgan was all complaisance, at the same time prefacing each successive change with a profession of his ‘ knowing but little of any game, my Lady.’ Not to detain you too long, suffice it to say, that almost every game, from one end of Hoyle to the other, was gone through, and old Morgan proving successful in all, won so large a sum of money as left him rent free on his Lordship’s property for many years for many years afterwards. But if he was successful, he was by no means importunate, and on the settlement of the night’s accounts, he signified to her Ladyship, that as in all probability the largeness of the sum he had won might make its immediate payment inconvenient, he would feel himself fully satisfied, thankful, and indeed for his Lordship’s giving him receipts in advance for the growing rent. Her Ladyship thanked him for his kind consideration, the arrangement proposed was at once entered into, and old Morgan rode home the next day, chuckling in his sleeve, and exclaiming at the interval of every three or four miles, ‘ a little, my Lady.’

“ I remain, Sir, your obedient servant.


King Dan’s speech- Convent Garden 12th March 1844

This is from The Times, on Wednesday 13th March, 1844. It’s a very long post, but worth it. To get a full sense of the power of Dan’s oratory, try reading it as though you are speaking it.  At the time of the speech, he had been arrested, charged with conspiracy, and sentenced to a year in prison and fined  £2,000., but not yet jailed.  The sentence was set aside after Dan had been in prison three months. He served his sentence at the Richmond Bridewell in Dublin, living in the Governor’s House with his own servants, and food brought in. He was released on 4th September 1844.


Last night a dinner was given at Covent Garden Theatre to Mr. O’Connell, ” to show,” as the announcement expressed it, ” the admiration entertained by Englishmen for his constant and consistent advocacy of the rights and privileges of Irishmen, for more than 40 years.”

The pit of the theatre was boarded over so as to make it level with the stage, and five long tables, with two slips occupying the bend of the boxes, making seven tables in all were spread in that part of the house. There were six cross tables and ten long tables spread on the stage, beside the grand table, at which sat the chairman, the guest (Mr. O’Connell), and several noblemen, members of Parliament, and others.

The decorations of the portion of the arena behind the proscenium remained the same as they were on the occasion of the late Bal Masqué, The chairman sat in the centre of the stage, with the chief guests on his right and left. At back of, and immediately over the chair, suspended from the ceiling, there was a brilliant illumination of variegated lamps, representing the rose, the thistle, and the shamrock, underneath which appeared, in front of the raised orchestra, the word ” O’Connell,” in variegated lamps. On the right of the device was the word ” Ireland,” and on the left the word ” Justice,” also in variegated lamps. At the back of the chair was the retiring-room, over which was the orchestra, containing 30 vocal and instrumental performers, under the direction of Mr. G. Stansbury. The great salle, formed by the boarded pit and the stage, was illuminated by 30 elegant ormolu chandeliers, in addition to the great chandelier suspended from the centre of the theatre, and the smaller chandeliers suspended over each box in the dress circle. The stage was adorned by mirrors at the centre and the sides. The whole of the boxes were appropriated to ladies, and every place was filled. The galleries were also densely crowded. About 1,100 persons sat down to dinner, and the effect of the whole theatre when thus brilliantly filled was most imposing. Owing to the excellence of the arrangements, no confusion whatever took place. At a few minutes before 6 o’clock, the chairman and the other chief guests entered the room, accompanied by Mr. O’Connell. On the hon. and learned gentleman’s appearance, he was received with a general burst of cheering from all parts of the house.

At 6 o’clock the chair was taken by Mr. T. Duncombe, M.P., supported on his right by Mr. O’Connell, and on his Ieft by the Earl of Shrewsbury. The following noblemen and gentlemen were among the principal guests : – Lord Camoys, the Earl of Dunboyne, the Hon. F. H. Berkeley M.P.; the Hon. Charles Langdale; Sir R.W. Bulkeley, M.P.; Sir John Easthope, M.P.; Mr. William Collins, M.P.; Mr. Serjeant Murphy, M.P.; Mr. W. H. Tancred, M.P.; Mr. Henry Metcalfe, M.P.; Mr. W. S. Crawford, M.P.; Mr. Wynne Ellis, M.P.; Mr. M. J. Blake, M.P.; Mr. Thomas Gisborne, M.P.; Mr. Charles Hindley, M.P.; Mr. James Pattison, M.P..; Mr. John Dennistoun, M.P.; -Mr. H. Elphinstone, M.P.; Mr. Robert Hollond, M.P.; Mr. Joshua Scholefield, M.P.; Mr. B. S. Butler, M.P.; Sir V. Blake, M P.; Mr. M. J. O’Connell, M.P.; Mr.W. Williams, M.P.; Dr. Bowring, M.P.; Sir B. Wray, the Hon. W. B. Nugent, Mr. Edward Weld, Mr. Rigby Wason, Mr. J. A. Yates, Major Revell, Mr. James Harmer, Senor Olozaga, General Washington Barron, Mr. Summers Harford, and Mr. John Travere.

Grace having been sung by the vocalists (Messrs. Stansbury, T. Cooke, Atkins, P. Bedford, and several others), the company sat down to dinner, which was very well provided by Mr. Rouse. During the dinner, the band, directed by Mr. Godfrey, played several national Irish airs. The cloth having been removed and grace sung.

The Chairman then rose to propose the health of Her Majesty. When he considered, he said, the importance of this occasion (hear), and the influence of individuals so distinguished for their abilities and their eloquence who were invited to meet their distinguished guest (hear), he could not but feel how inadequate he was to fill the chair. (” -No, no.”), In the discharge of the duty imposed on him, however, he stood there to propose the health of the Sovereign, who, let the faults and delinquencies of her Ministers be what they might (” hear” and laughter), held, he believed, a firmer place in the hearts and affections of the people, whether of Ireland or of England (hear), than it had ever been the fate of any Sovereign of this country to possess. (Cheers.) To be sure, he had heard, at the close of a long debate in the House of Commons, the Prime Minister express a wish that the Queen of England might set her foot on Irish ground, and, like some benignant spirit, restore peace and harmony to that distracted country. That wish, in his (Mr. Duncombe’s) opinion, implied disloyalty to the Irish people. (Hear.) Who was it that prevented the Queen from setting her foot in Ireland ! Was it Mr. O’Connell (Cries of ” No ! ” and cheers.) Was it the Irish people (“No ! ”) – a people whose loyalty was proverbial even to weakness! (A laugh.) No; it would be a libel on them to assert that it was they who prevented the Queen from going to Ireland. It was that faction (hear) – that faction which in 1330 prevented King William from enjoying the pleasure of witnessing the loyalty, and partaking the hospitality, of the citizens of London. (Cheers.) The real reason was, that those whose duty it would be to attend the Queen to Ireland were afraid to show their faces there among the people – a people whose origin and religion they had, so scandalously traduced, maligned, and insulted. (Cheers.) It was well known, that the Queen had intended to visit Ireland last year; but she did not, and Belgium and. France were favoured instead, while Ireland – poor Ireland was, as usual, neglected. (Hear.) To be sure, it was a gratifying sight to the friends of international peace to witness the Queen returning to her native shores, the standard of England and the French tricolour waving from the same mast and in the same breeze – an union which he trusted would never be interrupted; but how much more gratifying a sight would it have been to have seen the Queen returning from her Irish subjects, after having personally witnessed their loyalty, and investigated the manifold wrongs and oppressions which they had so long and so patiently endured, and, satisfied that their complaints were well founded, to the confusion of evil counsellors, declaring that the union between England and Ireland should no longer be an union in name, but should hereafter be based on equal laws, rights, and privileges (hear, hear) –that there should no longer be any preference for class, sect, country, or creed ! (Cheers.) He (Mr. Duncombe) trusted, that the day was not far distant when he might behold this state of things – he trusted that they might yet come to pass – and believing as he did that they had a Sovereign who was anxious to accomplish them, and knowing as he did that the people were determined to achieve them (Hear), it was with pride that he now proposed the health of  ” the Queen, and long may she reign over a happy, a free, and an united people.” (Cheers).

The toast was received with loud cheers, and the National Anthem having been sung The Chairman then gave, ” Prince Albert, and the rest of the Royal family,” which was also drunk with enthusiasm.

The neat toast was ” The Navy and Army.” After which, The Chairman rose and said, it was now his duty to propose “ Health and long life to Daniel O’Connell.” [At the mention of the hon. and learned gentleman’s name the whole audience rose and cheered. The ladies in the boxes rose, and waved their handkerchiefs, and the whole surface of the pit presented the same appearance of waving hand- kerchiefs. The mass of white, from the floor to the ceiling, reminded one of a snow-storm. This scene of excitement was continued, with frequent renewals, during considerably more than five minutes.] Yes ! although he knew that he should be incurring the displeasure of certain high persons at the Home-office (laughter), he asked them to join with him in wishing health and happiness to this convicted conspirator. [Here there there was a renewal of the previous scene.] He rejoiced to hear that hearty sympathetic cheer for the chosen representative of Ireland, and through him for the whole people of Ireland; and he was quite sure that no observations of his could induce the meeting to do additional honour to the toast which he was about to propose. But in justice to them, as well as in justice to the public feeling that he knew existed at present in this country (hear), he could not deprive himself of the gratification of assuring their distinguished guest (Cheers), that this sympathy, and this enthusiasm, was not confined to within these walls. (Loud cheers.) He could assure him, that this building, had it been ten times more spacious, would have been insufficient for those who were anxious to come forward, not only to testify their esteem and respect for him as a patriot and a man, but for the purpose of expressing, by their presence, their disgust and indignation (hear, hear) at the persecution and the injustice, at the treachery and meanness (hear) -the malignity and vindictiveness (hear, hear) – which had marked the recent State trials, as they were called, in Ireland, and of which he and others were attempted to be made the victims – The Attorney-General for Ireland (hisses) -the first law officer of the Crown in that country – he, at the onset of the proceedings, pledged himself that he would prove the existence of one of the foulest and one of the most wicked conspiracies that ever endangered the safety of an empire. He would not insult their understandings, by asking them. how he succeeded. All England, every honest man in England proclaimed his failure. (Cheers.) All England despised his attempts, and cried shame upon the Government proceedings. (Cheers, and cries of “Shame ?”) It was with much satisfaction that he heard the other evening, one who had been high in the councils of Her Majesty, a member of the late Government, and a leading member of the Opposition at the present moment – he meant Lord John Russell – it was with great satisfaction that he heard that noble lord express his opinion of Mr. O’Connell, that he had not had a fair trial (cheers)  and that if he had been tried by an English judge and an English jury, it was his opinion that he would have been acquitted. (Cheers). Was he not justified in stating to Mr O’Connell, that he must not judge of the whole feeling of this country by that which had been testified upon the present occasion, he must not believe that with this evening’s proceedings the enthusiasm would end ! No, he might depend upon it, they would not remain tongue-tied (hear) while they saw this prosecution pursuing its accursed way, and not make any attempt to rescue from its fangs that man in whom were centred the hopes and affections of the Irish people. (Cheers). If there was no stronger inducement than their attachment to the impartial administration of justice, he was sure the attempt would be made (hear); but let him remind them, that that which was Ireland’s fate today might be England’s tomorrow if they quietly looked on. (Cries of “No”) If they saw juries packed – if they allowed judges to become Ministerial partisans – if they allowed the law to be strained – if they allowed public meetings, legally convened – to be put to an end by proclamations – if they allowed the rights of petition to be abrogated by such proceedings – if they allowed it to be proclaimed that the sword and the bayonet were the just remedies, they might depend upon it that struggles of their ancestors for freedom would have been in vain, if their descendants acted with such pusillanimity. (Cheers) But had Mr O’Connell no other claims on their admiration and support ! Had they forgotten the Catholic Emancipation measure (cheers) which was his act, and his only? To him the Catholics were indebted for it. To him the Liberal Protestants owed their admiration. Had they forgotten, also, that to Mr O’Connell and the Irish members they were indebted for most valuable assistance in the struggle that took place for the Reform Bill ! (Cheers) True it was that the Reform Bill had disappointed – had sadly disappointed – them; but Mr O’Connell was not responsible for that. (Hear, hear) Had not Mr O’Connell made many sacrifices for the cause of liberty ! Had he not devoted his time, his services in his profession, and his fortune, to the cause of the people, and his services at the present moment were at the command of his country. (Loud cheers) He (Mr Duncombe) had heard Mr O’Connell in the House of Commons state to Ministers, that if they would bring in measures for the benefit of Ireland, his much-injured country, he care not how they treated him: he would forget it all in the prosperity of his country, and co-operate strenuously with them for the benefit of his native land. What return had these Ministers mad to the man? What was their reply to the proposition? Why, the reply was this – that concession had seen its utmost limits, and that condign punishment must be his reward. It was quite clear that the last act of that contemptible drama which had been played in Ireland had yet to be enacted, and that the Government, halloed on by the bloodhounds of the Tory press, meant to send the law officers of the Crown again into the Court of Queen’s bench in Dublin, there to demand the vengeance of the Court upon their victim. (“Never”) Nay, at this moment you could not go into any society, but if you met any persons who belonged to what was called the Orange faction, with that peculiar delicacy which invariably attached to all their proceedings, you heard them speculating as to the number of years for which Mr O’Connell was to be incarcerated. (Laughter). More than this, they might be heard speculating on the relative strength of the gaols of Kilmainham and Carrickfergus. (Hisses and derisive laughter.) Deluded and short-sighted men ! Did they think that by his incarceration in a prison they could conceal Mr O’Connell from the eyes of his countrymen ! – did they think that imprisoning such a man, that his virtues, and that his patriotism, would be lost to their memories ! No. He told them in their name, and he told them in the name of the people of England – yes, and in the name of the toiling millions of England, that how dark soever might be his cell – how strong soever might be his dungeon – how gross soever the indignities they might heap upon his head: and he told Mr O’Connell in that vast and gorgeous assembly, that he might lay his head in peace upon his pillow, for that the petitions, ay, and the remonstrances too of millions of the virtuous, the patriotic, and the good, would not only attest to his innocence, but would proclaim his liberation from within the very walls of Parliament itself. (Cheering) He told them before that he had already gone beyond the limits he had assigned to himself, and he was satisfied that nothing he could urge would strengthen the feelings they had towards their patriotic and illustrious guest; and he should, therefore, conclude his observations by saying that they, in honouring Mr O’Connell, did honour to themselves; and, farther, that they testified their sympathy and regard for a people whose rights and liberties, whose prosperity and happiness, ought to be, and he was sure were, as sacred to them as their own. (Cheers) He had now, therefore, only to propose – “ Health and long life to Daniel O’Connell. “

The toast was received with the same enthusiasm that attended the first mention of Mr O’Connell’s name. The cheering and waving of handkerchiefs continued for some minutes.

Mr O’Connell ( after the cheering with which he was greeted had subsided) rose, and spoke as follows: –

I protest to you this is the first time in a long and variegated life that, with truth I may say, I feel unmanned – I feel overpowered. The dungeon that my enemies and yours have prepared for me has no terrors to my mind (Cheers); and, if the scaffold and the rack could be added to it, they would not bring such overpowering sensations to my mind as the awful magnitude of the compliment you have paid to me today. (Cheers) Oh ! how ardent must be your love of justice. Oh ! how steady and severe your hatred for judicial partiality. How you must delight in seeing justice rendered with the same intensity that you hate the practice of partiality and injustice ! What are my claims on your sympathy? That I am the victim of injustice – simply because the  law has been violated in my person, simply because those in power have practised iniquity, and you, who have integrity and manliness, know how to hate them. (Cheers) Yes, you are able to turn defeat into victory, (Cheers) and to make conviction not a source of punishment but triumph. (Cheers) You make me glad that I have been convicted. It is no exaggeration to use that expression. I use it in all the sincerity of my heart, because you have shown a sympathy in England for Ireland; you have convinced me, not reluctantly to be sure, but with some difficulty, that there is a higher mind animating the masses of the middle classes, and the better part of the higher classes, in England, which teaches me that we were born to be united in affection and in interest – born to be combined against the world, and that we have on enemies but those who are enemies of both. (Cheers) Yes, I do delight in the events that have taken place. I think they will tend to great good in both branches of the country. I am sure of this, that the people of Ireland will hear with gratitude, to be extinguished only with their lives, of the manner in which I have been received lately in more popular assemblies than one, and in that brilliant assemblaze that is now before me. (Cheers) Oh ! what a scene is here tonight. When I see the rank and station, when I contemplate the wealth and importance, when I see the manly determination and the kindly glisten of the friendly eye, when I behold those beings that seem to turn it to fairy land, those sylphs and celestial beings animating and smiling upon us, I do rejoice that at any inconvenience to myself I have beheld such a transcendent spectacle. (Cheers) They have convicted me: but you ask how and of what ! I am here to tell you of what. They have convicted me not of a crime defined or definite – not of anything you can read in law books, but of something the judges have spelt out of those law books, and put together to form a monster indictment. It is literally so. – [Considerable interruption here took place owing to the great difficulty of hearing Mr O’Connell in the more distant parts of the house. The confusion continued until Mr O’Connell, advancing towards the centre of the house, mounted on a table, and thus continued his address]

I was endeavouring to vindicate the judgement you had formed. My task, I may say, was that of vindicating you to yourselves, of endeavouring to prove that you are perfectly justified in the ardour of your enthusiasm in supporting my cause and that of the Irish people. (Cheers) The accusation that has been made against me, and on which I have been convicted is of that enormous nature, that it is interesting to every human being, whether he be himself liable to a similar machination or not, to understand distinctly its bearing, its form and its pressure. It is not a crime respecting the evidence for which there is any possible resort to law nooks, or to the conjurations of men of my trade. It is called, to be sure, a conspiracy; but there is nothing of private agreement – there is nothing of arrangement – there is nothing of plot or plan in it. It is something that the judges imagine when they dream, and make the public suffer when they are awake. (Cheers) One of our female authors of celebrity in the fulness of the feminine imagination has depicted to the world an imaginary being of extraordinary dimensions, and of voracious capacity, and denominated it Frankenstein. The conspiracy tried in Ireland was the Frankenstein of the law, uncouth of limb, unshaped in form, undefined and indefinite in manner, having nothing of humanity about it, having nothing of law but its monstrosity. (Cheers) How was it endeavoured to be supported ? By the history of nine months. What plot did it disclose ? Why a plot which was carefully committed to those cautious keepers of secrets, the public newspapers. (Cheers) Not one witness was produced to prove any fact except that A and B were proprietors of newspapers, and members of the association, and then the newspapers were read in detail against us; the judges determined that that was evidence of conspiracy, and here I stand before you a convicted conspirator. (Cheers) The history of nine months was given in this most satisfactory manner. The chronology of the newspapers, the dates of them were all varied one week from another. The history of 41 giant meetings was detailed as it appeared in the public prints, and was it alleged that any one of these meetings was illegal ? – that there was force, violence, tumult, or turbulence at any one of them ? There was not a particle of any such allegation that the magistracy or the constables, or the idle and the timid, were intimidated or frightened at any one of these meetings ? There was not a single allegation of the kind. They were peaceable. They were admitted to be legal. Each and every one of them were admitted to be legal. But by the dexterity of judicial magic, the 41, though each perfectly legal separately, when taken together formed a conspiracy. (Cheers). It is literally so. I am not mocking you when I tell you literally the fact, that 41 legal meetings were held to make an illegal one. Forty-one cyphers would not make a sum, and yet, in point of law, it was decided in our case that 41 nothings made a something, and we are to abide the event. Oh ! the scorn and indignation of mankind ought to be poured out on such an abomination of injustice. (Cheers) I arraign the men as conspirators who planned such a trial. I arraign, as the worst species of conspirators, the men who carried on this mock prosecution with all the trickery and chicanery of Old Bailey practitioners. (Cheers) What is fact today judges call precedent tomorrow, and, if this question be allowed to repose, if this precedent be once established, Englishmen, there is not one of you whose case it may not be tomorrow. (Cheers) I say not this to threaten or menace you. I say not this to instigate you to warmth in support of the people of Ireland; for I would be the most mistaken of human beings, if I were not aware already, from what I have seen in England, that it is unnecessary to animate you, or to give you any motives for acting, but your own generous feelings. (Cheers) I arraign, therefore that prosecution against me, and I tell you you are justified in arraigning it for want of anything like legal form or fixity, for want of anything that you can encounter; for it is a monstrous shadow that may be armed with deadly weapons by a miscreant administration of the law, but which has in it nothing that is tangible which a rational man can meet in fair conflict of argument or judicial discrimination. What is my next arraignment ? The conduct of the judge (Cheers) – and here I have one consolation, that no one human being attempts to justify the judge. (Cheers) The usual practice in Parliament is, when any man is arraigned for misconduct, the Ministry, if he happens to be a Ministerial man, and the Opposition, if he happens to be an Opposition man, suddenly discover that he really was endowed with all possible human virtues. They get up and eulogise him, never having discovered that he had so many good qualities till he was attacked – that is the usual course of Parliamentary proceeding. But there is one man of whom men of all classes are ashamed, a person no one praised, and that man is Chief-Justice Penefather. Nobody attempted to eulogise him. It is admitted that since the hideous days of Scroggs and Jefferys so one-sided a charge was never pronounced by judicial lips. (Cheers) He is taken back to the worst days of the history of the law. It is admitted – it was asserted and not denied – I saw it myself – he borrowed part of the prosecuting counsel’s brief to help him make his charge, and in addressing the jury he showed the bent of his mind – “ out of the fulness of the heart the mouth speaketh” – he talked of the counsel on the other side. (Shame) Let it be proclaimed throughout England – from the extremity of Cornwall to the highest part of Scotland – let it be known throughout the length and breadth of the land – that there has been a trial where a chief-justice presiding was admitted to have made the charge of an advocate, which was incapable of defence by any party or any government. (Loud cheers) You see how I am coaxing him to pass a lenient sentence on me. (Cheers and a laugh) What is my next impeachment of this proceeding ? I am here to vindicate myself and countrymen, and you for your sympathy and support. (Cheers) My next impeachment is the management of the jury panel. Out of 710 names, 63 slipped by accident. (Cheers) We had a lottery, out of 773, 710 alone remained; 63 were wanting. (Villainy) To be sure it was villainy; it would not be accident. (Cheers) Especially out of the 63, 27 were Roman Catholic. Perhaps you do not know that I am of that persuasion. (Cheers and a laugh) And here let me say, that when my esteemed and valued friend (your Chairman) awhile ago told you that the Roman Catholics were indebted to me for my exertion in favour of their emancipation, he might have added with truth – I add with pride – that I sought for that emancipation, not by the assertion of sectarian preference or party, but on the great and glorious principle that religion is a matter between man and his Creator (Cheers) and there is no freedom or justice in any country where a man is prohibited worshipping his God according to the dictates of his conscience. (Cheers) It was upon that principle that we petitioned for the Protestant Dissenters in England, and helped to obtain their emancipation. (Cheers) There is the hand that drew the petition that was signed by 28,000 Catholics praying for the emancipation of the Protestant Dissenters of England, and, within one fortnight after that petition was presented Lord John succeeded; and Peel was compelled to emancipate the Protestant Dissenters. (Cheers) pardon me for this digression; but it is important that we should understand each other well. The people of Ireland have waited for their own freedom of conscience; they were in power three times since the Reformation, and they never persecuted a single Protestant. (Cheers) Let us then contend with each other, in the good, the charitable, the benevolent generous flow of our feelings, and take no credit for particular sectarian advantages, and let us establish the liberty of all on the broad basis of Christian brotherhood. (Cheers)  I come back to the trial. The 63 names slipped out. Mark now, for one moment: there is something of technicality in what I am going to tell you, but I think you will easily comprehend me. We challenged the array on account of the 63 names which had been dropped. In that challenge – the document is on record – we alleged that those names were fraudulently spoliated from the list – we alleged that this was done to the detriment of the traversers. That plea was put on the record. The Attorney-general had it in his power to join issue and say the thing had not been fraudulently done. That question of fraud would have been tried by lawyers duly sworn; but he declined to do so. he left the allegation uncontroverted – it was uncontroverted  on the record to this day, and he relied on this, that he had judges who told him and told us that, as we did not know who it was that committed the fraud, we were without remedy. (Shame) It is literally true. I am here talking to the common sense of Englishmen – to their sense of honesty, and to that noble adherence to fair play, which above all things else is the highest and most dignified trait in the English character. It is a common saying all over the world, when two men are found fighting, people who come up are sure to take part with one or the other; but in England it is proverbial that no two people fight that those who come up don’t see fair play. I am telling you those things, and appealing to your fair play. There is no one word in any other language that can express such a character, and it deserves to have a word coined for itself. The fraud is uncontroverted till the present moment; the only answer we get, as I told you, was, “you don’t know who committed the fraud, and therefore there is no remedy.” Suppose a man is robbed and does not know the name of the thief, if he went before Sir Peter Laurie, or any other of your white witches, and said “ I caught this man escaping from my premises with my goods.” everybody would laugh at Sir Peter more than they do if he were to say “ I cannot listen to your complaint: you do not know the man’s name.” (A laugh) And yet on that most ridiculous assertion we were told that the fraud must go unpunished, and we must be punished for mentioning the fraud. (Cheers, and cries of “Shame”)

There remains one more impeachment, and that is my impeachment of the jury that was sworn. In point of law Protestant and Catholic have equal right to be on that jury. (Cheers.) In point of justice it ought to be so; in fair play it would be so. Chief-Justice Fairplay would have decided for me at once. Yet what was the first step ? Eleven Catholics were on the reduced list, every one of them was struck off by the Crown Solicitor. They say, to be sure, they were Repealers. In the first place it is not true: that is one answer. In the next place, if it were true it would be no reply; because, being a Repealer might be a great folly, but it is not a crime: it is not a crime which makes a man an outlaw (Cheers) ; and if being a Repealer would make a juror favourable to me, I ask you whether my most rancorous and violent opponents – men who had voted three times against me -could be considered a fair and impartial jury against me. This is their own argument. I convict them out of their own mouths. I appeal to common sense, if a Repealer would be favourable to me, is not your anti-Repealer necessarily favourable to another. (Cheers.) But recollect this, it was the more important to have a fair jury in this case, because the crime was not a distinct one. If it had been a charge of robbery, or murder, or forgery, any human intellect could have understood the nature of the crime, and would only have had to decide the fact whether the party charged was guilty or innocent. But here was an imaginary crime, participating more of ideality than reality – here was something that was to be spelled out of the recesses of the criminal law, and it emphatically called for a thoroughly impartial as well as a thoroughly intelligent jury to investigate it. (Cheers.)

One Protestant they struck off – as respectable an individual as ever lived -almost the only liberal Protestant in the entire panel. The man whose intellect was of the highest order, the intelligent Protestant, they sent to keep company with the 11 Catholics. Yet they call this a fair trial. I call it not prosecution, but persecution. (Cheers.) I call it not a fair trial, but shifting, scheme, and management. (Cheers.) I say I am not the person convicted by the due course of law. In prison I shall feel that I am a victim, and in that prison I shall have the feeling at heart that will raise me superior to the punishment. (Loud cries of “Hear.”) Oh ! I see I have plenty here to open the prison door. (Loud cheers.) But it would be very idle to suppose that I am not thoroughly prepared for an event of that kind. Whatever I suffer for my country I rejoice in that suffering, and she is rendered doubly dearer to me by any infliction imposed on me for acting in defence of her freedom and happiness, and they mistake much who imagine that my influence will be diminished, or my power of persuasion over my countrymen will be lessened by any sentence they may possibly inflict on me. (Cheers.) However, I will not dispute with you on the nature of the sentence. I have shown you the culpability of the proceeding. I have arraigned the parties to it here, where my voice, unconfined by these walls, will reach all over the world wherever the English language is spoken: wherever the ear understands its accents my words will be conveyed on the wings of the press, and in presence of the congregrated civilization of the world, in the presence of America, of France and India, of every clime and country, I proclaim the proceedings against me a foul and dishonest persecution (Loud cheers), and I hurl at the tyrants of the law my merciless scorn and defiance. (Loud cheers.) But it will be asked what object I had in view at those meetings. You may say to me ” ’tis true you ought not to have been convicted, but you have an account still to render to us; you are accused of wishing to separate England from Ireland.” I have been accused of unnecessarily meddling with an enactment that took place 44 years ago, of needlessly reviving old causes of complaint, and accumulating new grievances to make them more unbearable. Now, I am quite ready to meet that charge, and I should be utterly unworthy of the magnificent compliment you have paid me this evening, if I were not ready here, in the presence of you Englishmen, to justify everything that I have done, and to rebut every imputation which has been cast upon me. (Loud cheers.) I will tell you why I have held these meetings, and I will abide by your disinterested judgment. They say there is a union between the two countries. I utterly deny it. There is a parchment enactment (Cheers), but there is no real union. (Cheers.) What is the meaning of a real union ? A perfect identification between the two countries (Cheers) – that there should be no difference between Englishmen and Irishmen, except a little in the accent (a laugh) – that Englishmen and Irishmen should possess the same rights, the same privileges, and the same franchises (cheers)-that there should be no difference between the men of Kent and the men of Cork (cheers) – between the men of Mayo and the men of Lancashire. (Renewed cheers.) That England and Ireland should be one nation, possessed precisely of the same rights, the same franchises, and the same privileges. Is not that the real meaning of a union ? (Cheers) I appealed to the imperial Parliament to make the union what I have described it, but I appealed in vain. TheTories, of course refused, and the Whigs were equally complimentary. (Cheers and laughter.) I do not wish to weary this assembly by the barrenness of statistics, I will, however, draw your attention to one or two statements. The county of Cork, which I have the honour to represent, has 710,000 inhabitants in its agricultural districts, and upwards of 140,000 inhabitants in its cities and towns, so that the population of Cork, taken together, amounts to 850,000 inhabitants. Now, the inhabitants of Wales are 800,000, being 50,000 less than the inhabitants of the county of Cork. The county of Cork, with its 850,000 inhabitants, returns just eight members to Parliament – and now many members do you think Wales returns with its 800,000 ? Why, just 28. (Hear, hear.) One Welshman is not able to beat five Irishmen. (Cheers and laughter.) The Welsh are a brave and perhaps sometimes ill-tempered race. (Cheers and laughter); but, at the same time, I respectfully submit that one Welshman is not worth five Irishmen. (A laugh.) Man for man,I am quite content to allow; but I cannot admit that, as compared with my own countrymen, they are worth five to one. (Loud cheers and laughter.) I cannot admit they are entitled to retain 28 members for the 800,000 inhabitants, while the county of Cork, with its 850,000 inhabitants, is only to return eight members to Parliament.(Cheers.) Ought that to last ? (Cries of “No, no.”) Is it not a thing that ought to be changed ? (Cries of” Yes, yes.”) They laughed at me when I called for the change. Then, again, let us look at the question in another point of view. The parliamentary returns, made seven years ago, on the registration of voters, showed that there were 4,000 registered voters for the county of Cork, with a population of 710,000 inhabitants, while in Wales there were 36,000 registered voters. I was looking over the Parliamentary returns this morning, and I find the number of registered voters for Cork is now 1,500 – only 1,500 ! (Hear, hear.) The votes for the largest county in Ireland are nearly extinguished by the operation of the Registration Act, while in Wales the number of voters has increased by 2,000. There are 38,000 registered voters in Wales, and 1,500 for the county of Cork. Now is that common sense ? Is that justice? Is that fairness, or is it honesty? (“No,no”) l have obtained the love and affection of my countrymen. (Hear, hear.) I know what it is to feel the delight of being borne along, as it were, on the breath of a people. (Cheers.) Oh ! if you saw the stalwart men leaving their work and flocking to the roadside as I pass by; if you saw them in the attitude of firmness, and watched their eye beaming with affection as they looked on me, and their hand outstretched, almost asking me, would you wish that we should strike the blow ?(hear, hear) – if you saw the aged woman greeting me as I passed by, and praying for my health and prosperity – if you saw the merry children and heard their chirping cry as I went along (cheers) praying for blessings on the head of him whom they called the father of their country (cheers);  – oh, if you had seen and felt this as I have seen and felt it; if you had seen the congregated hundreds and thousands – ay, more than a million – come at my call and dissolve with my breath, whom I have taught the lesson of which I am an apostle – that no political advantage can be of so much importance as to justify the shedding of one single drop of human blood (cheers) ; this is the lesson they have been taught; this is the lesson they practise (cheers); and this is the lesson they will continue to practise until the triumphant success of their efforts shall imprint the maxim upon the wise and good of all nations (Cheers); – if you had seen all this as I have experienced it you would think me, indeed, the basest of all mankind if I did not struggle to remedy the inequalities of which I have mentioned two, but of which I might cite a hundred, existing between the two countries. (Cheers.) The Irish nation, to be properly represented, ought to have 160 members at the least; and that is less even than her right. We would take less for a compromise: they will give us none; but set us at defiance and indict us for a conspiracy for endeavouring to obtain them. (Cheers.) Are you aware that the Corporate Reform Bill given to Ireland is most miserably defective in every respect. In England whoever is rated to the poor-rate is a burgess, and is entitled to vote at municipal elections; but, in Dublin, in order to be upon the burgess-lists it is necessary that a man should be rated at 10s., that is, he should occupy a 20s. house and that he should have paid no less than nine different rates. The consequence is, that in Dublin not above one-third of those who ought to be burgesses are on the list. (Hear hear.) I ask for equality with the English Corporate Reform Bill, and when I call the people together that they may insist on the desirable alterations in a peaceable, tranquil, and constitutional manner, I am indicted for  a conspiracy. (Cheers.) But there is another grievance in Ireland greater than all these. It may have the appearance of prejudice on my part, or of sectarian fanaticism, that I should advert to it now; but, as I have assailed it elsewhere, I am ready boldly to assail it here, and to take your judgment on it. I allude to the established church in Ireland. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, I appeal to you whether the church in England, that has the state emoluments, is not the church of the great majority of the people? (Cries of ” No.”) So much the worse; it ought to be. Well, that is a disputed question which I will not argue. The church of Scotland, until lately, was the church of the great majority; but the church in Ireland, which has the state emoluments, is not and never has been the church of the majority. (Hear.) I do not want the emoluments of that church for my church – I would not accept them. There does not live a Protestant who would be half so determined as I should be in throwing them aside from my church. I would scorn to have my church the vassal of the state, or connected with the state. I think such connexion is injurious to the state, and must be detrimental to the church. My opinion may be insignificant; but the Catholic prelates of Ireland have within the last six weeks proclaimed that they would never take one single farthing of public money, or any state endowment whatsoever. (Cheers.) I do not think that there is a greater crime on the face of the earth than that one man should be compelled to pay for the religion of another which he did not believe. Upon that principle, the great oppression of Ireland is the Established Church, and until this system is put an end to it will be in vain to expect tranquillity in lreland. My friends, I wish you had seen the Irish newspapers. A short time since a very respectable gentleman, named Archdeacon De Lacy died. He was the nephew of a Bishop, and according to the advertisement of the sale of his effects, he was an excellent man, he had 11 hunters, an excellent pack of hounds, and a splendid cellar of wine. (Laughter.) But it may be said that these grievances of Ireland are rather speculative than otherwise. I don’t think it will be said that the last is so. It is said, that we may be rich, happy, and contented without these political advantages. But is Ireland rich? That she is not contented is certain – has she a right to be happy ? Allow me to vindicate myself by telling you the real state of Ireland – In 1834, 40 years after the establishment of the union, the Commissioners on the Poor Law Inquiry reported that they found 2,385,000 in a state of destitution upon a population of 8,000,000 more than one fourth of the whole population; and Captain Larkom has reported that 70 per cent. of the rural population were living in huts in one room only – that 30 per cent. of the town population families were living in one room, and in some instances several families in that one room. ( Hear, hear.) Nothing shows greater misery than a decrease in the population. An increase in the population is a favourable sign, but the retrogression of a population of 70,000 a year is a most convincing proof of misery, distress, and wretchedness. Now, just to shows you that what I am stating is correct, I will read you the description of Mr. Kohl, a German, who has been travelling  all over Europe, who has visited Ireland, and lately published a book, in which is the following statement:- I remember, when I saw the poor Lettes in Livonia, I used to pity them for having to live in huts built of the un-hewn logs of trees, the crevices being stopped up with moss. I pitied them on account of their low doors and diminutive windows, and gladly would I have arranged their chimney for them in a more suitable manner. Well, Heaven pardon my ignorance. I knew not that I should ever see a people on whom Almighty God had imposed yet heavier privations. Now that I have seen Ireland, it seems to me that the Lettes, the Esthonians, and the Findianders, lead a life of comparative comfort, and poor Paddy would feel like a king with their houses, their haoilirrents, and their daily fare. (Cheers). A wooden house, with moss to stop up its crevices, would be a palace in the wild regions of Ireland. Paddy’s cabin is built of earth, one shovelful over the other, with a few stones mingled here and there, till the wall is high enough. But perhaps you will say, the roof is thatched or covered with bark. Ay, indeed ! A few sods of grass cut from a neighbouring bog are his only thatch. Well, but a window or two at least, if it be only a pane of glass fixed in the wall, or the bladder of some animal, or a piece of talc. as may often be seen in a Wallachian hut ! What idle luxury were this ! There are thousands of cabins in which not a trace of a window is to be seen. Nothing but a little square hole in front, which doubles the duty of door, window, and chimney – light, smoke, pigs, and children all must pass in and out of the same aperture !  A French author, Beaumont, who had seen the Irish peasant in his cabin, and the North American Indian in his wigwam, has assured us that the savage is better provided for than the poor man in Ireland. Indeed, the question may be raised, whether in the whole world a nation is to be found that is subjected to such physical privations as the peasantry in some parts of Ireland. This fact cannot be placed in too strong a light; for, if it can once be shown that the wretchedness of the Irish population is without a paralell example on the globe, surely every friend of humanity will feel himself called on to reflect whether means may not be found for remedying an evil of so astounding a magnitude !’ (Cheers.)

And, in Ennis, the following statement was made the other day at a meeting, at which Sir Lucius O’Brien presided: – ” At a meeting of the Guardians of the Ennis Poor Law Union on Wednesday, Sir Lucius O’Brien in the chair, Mr. Butler brought forward the resolutions of which he had given notice, relative to the exorbitant amount of Grand Jury Cess now leviable, and which he stated was entirely borne by the occupiers of land. His object in bringing forward the resolutions was, to call attention to, the matter, in the hope that the grievance would be redressed by the introduction of a provision into the grand jury laws, which would render the landlords liable for a moiety of the tax, in the same manner in which they are subject to poor-rates. The chairman and Mr. Carrick supported the landlords, attributing all their misfortunes to bad seasons, failures in the crops, &c. : while Mr. James Mahon, B. Butler, Mr. Finucane, Mr. Knox, and nearly the entire board were of opinion that the major part of the population were in a state of dreadful destitution – that pauperism was frightfully on the increase, and that nothing short of sound remedies should be considered.”   Why do I harrow you with these pictures ? Why ?  for the purpose of calling upon you to exert yourselves in the cause of my unhappy country, and to do all in your power to render her happy once again. Does this misery that I have pictured to you arise from the laziness of the people of Ireland ? No. Do they not travel far and near to obtain work ? Do they not crowd your streets and your villages in hopes of obtaining work ? (Loud cheers.) But then it may be said that Ireland it unproductive. Oh ! no, ’tis one of the greenest and the fairest isles of the globe. (Loud cheers) Its crops are abundant, and its produce magnificent. –(Cheers.) It has the best harbours and the finest estuaries in the world. It has all those advantages – and, added to this, it has in spite of all their misfortunes a cheerful, a gay, laborious and affectionate people. (Cheers.) Then why is it that this misery exists ! From bad government. It is impossible to give any other reason for it. (Great cheering.) Since the union, matters have become worse and worse in Ireland. They have given us a poor law, and that poor law, I will venture to say, will bring rebellion in Ireland if it exists for two years longer. (Hear, hear.). I stood alone in opposing it. I was attacked as hard-hearted for doing so. l said it could be no remedy – that Ireland was too poor for a poor-law. It is literally so, and now the country is breaking up in consequence of it. Let them send me to my dungeon, let them preclude me from intercourse with the people -the consequences will be awful They wait in the expectation that something will yet be done for them. They have learned from me that something may be done for them, and I have told them that he who commits a crime strengthens the enemy – that the only mode of obtaining justice is by being peaceable and quiet. (Cheers.) I have trespassed on you long; but how could I avoid expressing my gratitude and showing you that I deserve at least your good attention, your kindness, and support ? (Cheers.) I have never shrunk from standing by you in any contest, – I have always been at your side – (Cheers) – I have never given a vote that was calculated to Increase the burdens of the English people – (Cheers); but I have invariably supported every measure for the extension of civil and religious liberty. (Cheers.) I have advocated the cause of the slave in America, as well as the peasant in Ireland. I care not what a man’s creed, or caste, or colour may be; no matter, how incompatible with freedom, a southern sun may have burnt upon him – I care not whether the despotism of the Spanish tyrant or of the French mocker of liberty presses on any country, I am for freedom for every man, liberty for all, tyranny for none. (Cheers.) I stood by you in the Reform Bill, I formed one of your majority, and an influential one it was; for others voted with me. It promised much. It was spoiled in its management. Its nursing mothers were unkindly to their foster child. In another struggle for freedom I also joined you. I shall always be with you in giving the protection of the vote by ballot, and for the shortening of the duration of Parliaments, recollecting that short accounts make long friends. (Cheers.) I owe this statement to you; and now I solemnly assure you, that if I was not thoroughly convinced that the establishment of a domestic legislature was essential to the comfort of Ireland, and that it was necessary to keep up the connexion between this country and Ireland, I would advocate it no longer. If I did not apprehend that when I am gone some one else will do that which I never will do, countenance the separation of Ireland from England, I would not struggle for a local legislature. But to say that a local legislature must end in a separation is a mockery. Look at Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, Canada, Barbadoes, even Botany Bay. (Cheers.) So that every dependency of England, except Ireland, has a local legislature. We don’t want to check or curb England. What we want is, that the laws, to be obeyed in Ireland, should be made in Ireland. It was so before the union; it will be so again when wise and good men understand the question as I do. And, in the mean time, I ask all to assist us in getting justice for Ireland, and they will draw away the repealing from me. Let us have equal franchises, equal representation, equal corporate reform, equal freedom of conscience from a church to which we do not belong. Let them try the experiment of kindness, and they will soon defeat any plan of further agitation. The life and soul of agitation is the injustice attempted to be done us; to crown which they come out now with a wicked perversion of the law, the scandalous partiality of the judge, the corrupt packing of the jury, and the insulting title of ” convicted conspirators.” (Cheers.) Convicted! convicted in their teeth, the renegades. Renegades who have forsaken every principle – who violently opposed emancipation one year, and carried it the next. (Hear, hear.) There is the renegade Stanley, who was the principal contriver of the Reform Bill in such a manner as to prevent it from working. (Hear, hear.) There is Graham, too, who was first on one side of the house, and now is on the other, and goes to the very extreme of renegadism. (Hear, hear.) These are the real conspirators; and let all those of both countries who wish for rational freedom, those who look for free trade and an unshackled commerce, cheap law, and a relief from the intolerable burden of debt, – let those who desire economical, practical reforms, join with old Ireland. (Cheers.) They will be sure of meeting grateful hearts. We will have no separation, but a perpetual friendship. The union would then, indeed, be rendered valuable by a domestic legislature and by a complete combination of a loyal, contented, and happy people. (The hon. and learned gentleman then retired amidst loud and general cheering.)

The Earl of SHREWSBURY came forward to propose the next toast-” The People.”

He could not tell them how extremely he felt the disadvantage he laboured under, in having so immediately to follow after the eloquent and instructive speech which had been delivered to them by their illustrious guest: but on this, as on other grounds, he felt he should receive what he so much needed, their kindest consideration. (Hear, hear.) The toast which had been assigned to him to propose was that of ” the People,” and in proposing it he was sure that the first idea which presented itself to their minds was the cause of the people of Ireland. That was a great and generous cause, for it was the cause of humanity – the cause of right as opposed to that of wrong. (Cheers.) They had arrived at a new era in the history of that cause, for they had at length embodied in it the sympathies and the feelings of the people of England. (Hear, hear.) The time was when the people of England were foolish enough to imagine that their political rights and their commercial prosperity were distinct from those of Ireland. This delusion had been done away with, and they were now beginning to see that the way to make her own empire secure was to make Ireland her happy, her trusted, and, therefore, her prosperous ally. (Hear, hear.) They now were beginning to find out that the prosperity of England would never be stable and deep-seated – that there never would be security for herself, unless she shared all her privileges and franchises fairly and equally with Ireland. Ireland was now universally acknowledged to be one of the finest countries in the world, but she had been governed by persons blinded by prejudice; and thus her great natural advantages had never been fairly developed. (Cheers.) For, with every natural advantage in a superior degree, the natural resources of Ireland remained unproductive, while the great mass of her population were in a state of misery and destitution unparalleled in any country in Europe. Why should there be this difference between England and Ireland ? It was because England was governed by another law, and in another spirit. We were comparatively happy and prosperous ; they were doomed to poverty and misery; and so it would continue until the people of Ireland enjoyed equal rights and privileges with ourselves. (Hear, hear.) But Ireland must no longer be allowed to fight her battle for justice single-handed. The people of England must come in as a generous or even as an interested auxiliary. (Hear.) Ireland deserved every assistance in her hour of need. She was deprived of half her strength. The liberties of the people had been invaded; the weapon with which the constitution had armed her for the attainment of her rights, and which she had wielded with such astounding effect under the guidance of him whose courage and prowess they were there to commemorate, had been rudely wrested from her grasp. Had Ireland sought to attain her object by the display of physical force, without a just and paramount necessity – he spoke of that sort which came in the spirit of law and order, and he should say of the constitution, for in these days it was necessary to distinguish between legal and constitutional means (Hear) – and had Ireland sought redress by the display of physical strength, without a just necessity for it, she would have exceeded the true prerogative of the people ; but where there was that necessity the people were justified in resorting to those means. Magna Carta and the Bill of Rights were our title-deeds. Yes, when the moral was at hand to guide the physical power of a nation, their union became a duty where their object was to alleviate sorrow and resist injustice (Cheers); but that union was for the present dissolved. Let them not, however, be dismayed. Ireland had gained more than she had lost. She had gained the sympathies of the people of England. Let Ireland then never cease to struggle, though hitherto in vain till she had conquered injustice; ” and,” continued the noble Earl, “may he who is so truly styled the Liberator of his country (cheers) – he who first snapped our bonds asunder, may he live to see Ireland rise from poverty and oppression, and as the reward of his own untiring energy, may he live to see her enjoy the proper fruit of freedom – fair and equal justice, and fair and equal rights with the people of England.” (Loud cheers.)

The toast having been received with cheers.

The Hon. Mr. LANGDALE came forward to acknowledge the toast, and proposed,

” The 78 peers who supported Lord Normanby’s motion, and the 227 members of the House of Commons who supported Lord John Russell’s motion.” He said he felt personally bound to come forward and welcome the Liberator of Ireland on this occasion, because had it not been for the exertions of Mr. O’Connell, he would in all probability have not been now (as a Catholic) entitled to address an assembly of freemen, conscious of an equality of rights and privileges with those whom he addressed. (Hear.) With respect to the late trial, if ever there was an instance in which vengeance seemed to have taken the place of justice, it was on that occasion. However, it was a source of deep consolation that in the Upper House there should have been 78 peers to redeem the character of the House of Lords, among whom were some of the first blood of the land. He knew too how repugnant it was to the feelings of his noble friend (Lord Shrewsbury) to come forward on such a public occasion, but it was gratifying to see the head of the house of Talbot stand forth as be had done tonight on behalf of the insulted rights of his Irish fellow-countrymen. (Hear, hear.)

The CHAIRMAN returned thanks as a member of the House of Commons, and then read letters from the Earl of Radnor and Lord Kinnaird, expressive of their approval of the objects of the meeting.

Lord CAMOYS said he was proud of being one of those 78 Peers who had formed the minority on the occasion referred to. Had not the division taken place so early, the number would have been much augmented. As it was, however, that minority comprised some of the most ancient and patriotic blood in the House of Lords. He (Lord Camoys) was especially bound to be present on this occasion, for to whom was it that he was indebted for being one of that number of 78, but to the eminent individual whom they had that night met to honour. He had come there to express his indignation at those recent proceedings in Ireland which had covered the judicature of that country with contempt. Such things ought not to be allowed to continue; and he trusted that such a demonstration as this, and others which had taken place, and would take place in this country, would totally remove from the public mind that ignorance and prejudice with respect to Ireland without which no power on earth could have induced the people of England to withhold redress of the grievances of Ireland. (Hear, hear.)

Sir R. BULKELEY, M,P., also acknowledged the toast. He felt it to be the duty of every friend of civil and religious liberty to come forward on this occasion. The magnificent assembly of that evening would suffice to assure Mr. O’Connell of the sympathy of the English people, and to convince him of what was the fact, that the interference with the right of trial by jury had thoroughly aroused them, to an extent far beyond any effect that had been produced by all that had been written for many years. As a Protestant he gloried in the revolution of 1688, but far be it from him to wish to perpetuate in Ireland those wrongs for which that settlement was made the pretext. (Cheers.)

The Hon. F. H. BERKELEY M.P., then came forward to propose ” Justice to Ireland”. He could not, however, flatter the meeting, with the hope that justice would come soon, while there was the present overweening majority in the two houses of Parliament. (Hear, hear.) Nor could he say he believed that another election would restore the power to the people. (No.) Nothing would effect that but an extension of the franchise, which was now a mere mockery. There would be no good done until the House of Lords had less to do with the House of Commons, (Hear, hear,) and until the House of Commons had less power over the constituents; until such a day arrived, he despaired of seeing the peopIe of England wishing to assist the people of Ireland in the way their hearts and feelings would prompt them. (Hear, hear)

Mr M.J. O’CONNELL, M.P., begged to acknowledge with pride and gratification the humour they had done his country by the practical pledge of justice to Ireland they had given that night, and on so many former occasions since the late state trials. it was a source of pride and gratification to him to see the people of England throwing off that apathy which seemed to have hung over them, however much they might be inclined to feel for the people of Ireland. It arose, however, from the feeling which always done the people of England humour – the feeling of fair play – the feeling which prompted them to take the part of an injured person at once, without inquiring whether his previous conduct had ‘er had not deserved approbation. (Hear) If there had been alienation, jealousies, and heart-burnings between the two people, he hoped they would now close on both sides. (Hear.) They might differ as to what justice to Ireland consisted in, but they were all agreed that there must be an identity of rights and privileges between the people of the two countries. (Cheers.)

MR GISBOURNE M.P., rose to propose the next toast. He had said to a member in the house that evening that he was coming to this dinner. “Oh,” said he “then you are going to a dinner given to a Repealer, and presided over by a Chartist,” to which he (Mr Gisborne) replied, “ that if the chairman believed in witchcraft, and the guest was a believer in mesmerism, it would not deter him from going for his object was to do honour to Mr O’Connell, and to express the deep conviction he felt, after having heard the nine nights’ debate in the House of Commons, that the late trials in Ireland had been a tyranny perpetrated under the form of law. He desired to express most emphatically his detestation of the whole course of the proceedings. “(Cheers.) The hon. member proposed “Trial by jury, without fraud.” (Cheers.)

Mr. Serjeant Murphy acknowledged the toast.

The health of the ladies having  been drunk,

The Chairman’s health was pronosed by Mr. O’Connell,.

The Chairman returned thanks, and

The company separated at a few minutes to 12 o’clock.

Originally  from The Times, on Wednesday 13th March, 1844. This was reprinted in The Morning Chronicle in Sydney, NSW, on Wed 10th July, 1844,  on Page 1, and I imagine a lot of other papers around the world.

Cork County election July 1841 Daniel O’Connell’s acceptance speech

This is from The Times on Wednesday the 21st July 1841. It was fiercely pro-Tory, and very anti-Whig, anti-Catholic, and very anti-Daniel O’Connell, and, as they report in the first paragraph, he doesn’t like them either.


After the High Sheriff had declared Messrs O’Connell and Roche duly elected, Mr. O’Connell proceeded to the Chamber of Commerce, where he addressed an immense mob of the shoeless and shirtless, in a speech rampant with bigotry and intolerance. The poor old man’s brain is evidently bewildered by the series of defeats he has sustained during the last few days. After indulging in some of his stale Billingsgate against The Times, and moaning over the results of the late Ministerial appeal to the people, he proceeds to say-

” I would go 10 miles to see any one who is such a blockhead or so stupid as now to expect justice from England, after the present exhibition. ( Hear, hear,” and laughter.) What justice can we expect from her, when nine-tenths of the present Parliament are the sworn enemies of Ireland! (Hear.) Oh yes, there is one hope, and that is, hope nothing from England. (Laughter.) Rally, then, with me for the repeal (Deafening shouts of applause, and cries of ” We will.”) Let every man be a Repealer. (Renewed cries of “We will.”) Let every man enrol his name as an associate of the Repeal Association. (“We will, we will.”) The time is coming when no man should speak to another who is not a Repealer, and no woman should speak to the man who is not a Repealer. (Cheers) The downfall of the church and the fixity of tenure robbery are to be forthwith accomplished. We will pay no more parsons. (Cheers.) Let every man who is resolved not to pay the parson any more hold up his hand. (Here such a multitude of hands appeared in the air as would make it appear that every person present had three or four hands each.) I’ll tell you what I’ll do, after such a display of hands as that, I’ll consent that all those now before me who did not hold up their hands shall pay two parsons each. (Great laughter.) I am determined not to be compelled to pay for the support of any clergy. (Hear.) I don’t want any law-payment for my own clergy, and they are the better paid, because they earn it honestly. (Cheers and laughter.) The next feature in my present agitation shall be the security of tenure to the farmer. (Continued cheering.) I shall apply in the next Parliament for leave to bring in a bill by which to provide that any farmer who has not a lease shall be allowed by his landlord what he may have expended on his farm, should he be put out of possession. (Loud cheer). I am the representative of a great agricultural county, and I shall make it a provision in my bill that all grand jury cess shall be paid out of the general Treasury. (Cheers.) The Tories have said that I am not a friend to the farmer; will any of them join me in this bill? (Laughter, and cries of ” I’ll engage they won’t.”).”

Physical force, commended by this most notorious of cowards, would only be a matter for jest, were the language uttered in any other assembly than that of the savage hordes fresh reeking from their excesses at Kinsale, Mallow, and city and county of Cork generally.

” I have published all through Europe and America that a Scotchman was compelled to admit that we (Irishmen) were, blessed be Heaven, the first among nations for physical strength, though I am so old myself now, I don’t care for my share of the compliment (laughter); but, old as I am, I am yet young and strong enough for your enemies. (Loud cheers, and cries of ” God preserve you !”) And shall such a people be slaves, or crouch to a tyrant ? (Tremendous shouts of ” No never, never !”) To such tyrants as this faction to which Leader belongs? (Groans.) Ah, the renegade ! (Renewed groans.) He puts me in mind of a beautiful beagle I once had that was in pup. (Laughter.) I was very anxious about her, for she was of the genuine Irish breed; but I dreamed one night that she had pupped, and instead of bringing forth her own species, I thought she had nothing but a rat (loud laughter), and that is exactly Leader’s case.” As usual, he rests his chief reliance for carrying out his seditious designs on the numerical strength and organization of that compact body yclept (sic) [an archaic word meaning – by the name of]  the teetotallers. “How many teetotallers have I here ? ” (he asks). (Here a vast number of the immense crowd held up their hands amidst loud cheering.) Oh ! that is a grand display indeed, and I bow to the majesty and dignity of your virtue. (Cheers.) I, too, have become a teetotaller (cheers), not because I followed the example of the rich, and the great, and the aristocratic, for they did not set it, but I did so from a feeling of respect and gratitude to the poor people. (Loud cheering.) It was they taught me that great, that grand virtue, and here I stand the pupil of the poor and humble portion of my countrymen. (Renewed cheers.) Well, I have shown you, first, that you are the first amongst nations for moral as well as physical strength, for unflinching fidelity to your religion, for every noble quality that can make a people great, for habits of temperance, with all their concomitant virtues, and oh ! with all these, will any man tell me that you ever will consent to be slaves ? (Tremendous plaudits.) Peel – Stanley – Tories of England – we defy you – we despise and abominate you. (Shouts of applause.) You shall not -must not – dare not trample upon the liberties of the Irish people. (Renewed cheering.) But the faction must be met. I want a weapon to meet them with; arm me with it; join me in the cry for Repeal. (Great cheers, and cries of ” We will.”) Having the high honour of representing the county of Cork, I feel myself expanding from my natural dimensions into a moral and political gigantic height, and from that eminence I now denounce Peel and Stanley, and every slave who does not become a Repealer. (Great cheering.) And I pledge myself that I will not in future support any Administration that may be formed, however liberal, that will not leave the Repeal an open question. (Loud cheers.) Repealers must be admitted to be loyal subjects, and I will support no Administration that dares to disparage a Repealer.” (Loud applause.)

And finally, the family bit.

As before, Dan the man  is the father-in-law of Charles O’Connell who is 5x great aunt Mary Grehan’s 1st cousin 1x removed.

Edmond Burke Roche is slightly more complicated. He is the 1st cousin 1x removed of General Edmund Roche whose wife Anna Austin was Charles Cooper Penrose-Fitzgerald’s aunt. Charles C P-F’s wife was Henrietta Hewson which made her a 2nd cousin of 3x great aunt Mary O’Bryen. 

Edmond Burke Roche also has the distinction of being Prince Harry’s great, great, great grandfather. 

Detention Of Her Majesty’s Mail, And Imprisonment Of Voters. Irish Elections July 1841

This is the preamble to The Times report on the election in Ireland in July 1841. As can be seen from their use of the words ‘we’ and ‘our’ with regard to the Tories, they are fiercely pro-Tory, and very anti-Whig, anti-Catholic, and very, very anti-Daniel O’Connell. 

DUBLIN, FRIDAY, JULY 16. The Irish elections are now drawing to their close; the last act is being played out; and the finale, no matter what may be the result of the remaining contests, viz., in Carlow, Wexford, Longford, and Kerry counties, displays a series of triumphs which has struck confusion and dismay amongst the partisans of Ministers (if now they can be so called) here, whilst it has gladdened the hearts of all real lovers of good order, Roman Catholic as well as Protestant; and of the former class I can affirm that there are hundreds of the most intelligent [ always good to know that the ” most intelligent” Catholics vote Tory] who openly rejoice at the advent of a Conservative Government to power-a Government which will have the means as well as the will to carry measures of practical utility to the country.

From the first moment the names of the candidates were fairly before the public, I apprised you that the county of Dublin would be fairly wrested from the late Radical possessors of its representation; nor during the whole of this arduous contest was there at any period the slightest ground for altering my original impression, notwithstanding the great reduction in the Conservative majorities towards the close of the struggle. This temporary success was achieved by means wholly unlooked for by Messrs. Hamilton and Taylor, and under circumstances over which they had no control. In fact, faith was broken in some instances where it was least expected; and, as one instance, the numerous tenantry of Mr. George Woods, of Milverton, who had promised to vote with their landlord, had, prior to yesterday, been basely tampered with, and it was not until they had actually reached the hustings, and recorded their suffrages in favour of the Radicals, that Mr. Woods was made aware of their duplicity.

Our gains in Ireland, so far, are-

Dublin City ……. … … … 2

Dublin County … … ..…  2

Athlone … … … … ……..  1

Queen’s County … … … 1

Waterford City … …. ….  2


And our losses amount to the stupendous number of Kinsale … … … … 1  ! !

In all human probability we shall gain a seat in Carlow, despite Mr. O’Connell and the seditious priesthood of this county. Wexford County, I fear, is doubtful, owing to the reign of terror having already set in there;- still Mr. Morgan’s friends are sanguine of his success; but even suppose it lost, parties remain in the same position, the late members being both Radicals. Wicklow County will close this evening in the return of Colonel Acton and Mr. Howard, but as the official declaration is not yet made I have forborne adding it to the list of gains. Kerry will be a fierce struggle, and Mr. Blennerhassett’s success is problematical, the Kenmare influence [William Browne – O’Connell’s running mate was the brother of the Earl of Kenmare. The Kenmare estate amounted to over 91,000 acres in county Kerry in the 1870s as well as over 22,000 acres in county Cork and over 4000 in county Limerick.] being thrown into the scale to prop up the return of Mr. M. J. O’Connell [Morgan John – Dan’s nephew]. From the dreadful system of intimidation and brute violence which alone carried the election of Cork city and county, Clare, Louth, Mallow, Kinsale, Tipperary, and Longford, it is only to be expected, as the defeated candidates in all these places intend prosecuting petitions to try the validity of the returns, that some further gains will be added to the Conservative phalanx, and that before the ensuing Christmas it will be found that Ireland (” Sir Robert Peel’s chief difficulty”) will have added 10 votes- 20 on a division-to the already glorious Conservative majority.

I have in the foregoing expressed a doubt as to Mr. Blennerhassett’s success in Kerry; but if Government permit such lawless proceedings to pass with impunity as are sketched in the subjoined authorized statement in the Dublin Evening Mail, all ambiguity is at an end, and freedom of election in lreland under the present regime may be considered as a mere farce:-


“Mr. Orpen, of North Great George-street, left Dublin on last Monday evening, by the Limerick mail coach, for Tralee, intending to give his vote there on Tuesday evening, or Wednesday morning, for Mr. Blennerhassett, and to return to Dublin,where important basiness required his presence,on Thursday. At Limerick he was joined by several gentlemen, also proceeding to Tralee, Messrs. Studdart, Hickson, Jones, the Rev. Mr. Nash and his nephew, and the Rev. Mr. Drew. On the arrival of the coach at Abbeyfeale, on the border of the county of Kerry, at about 3 o’clock on Tuesday afternoon, it was surrounded by about 500 persons, some of whom immediately proceeded to drag those gentlemen from the coach. Mr. Nash and his nephew succeeded in getting into the house of the stipendiary magistrate, Mr. Cooke. Messrs. Studdart and Hickson were imprisoned in the inn, and Messrs. Orpen and Jones were dragged into a house where the Temperance Society holds its meetings, and there confined in a small room, on an earthen floor, guarded by a number of ruffians. Here they were interrogated as to their names, residences, &c., and their answers compared with a written paper held by one of the party. A certain number of the crowd outside were then called in, apparently persons belonging to some committee or body, who went up stairs to the temperance room, as if to consult what should be done with the prisoners below, who certainly did not feel very comfortable whilst the jury sat on their fate. After some time the parish priest, Mr. Lyddy, who had previously endeavoured to prevent Mr. Orpen’s detention, came to the house, and persuaded the people there to allow Mr. Orpen and his fellow-prisoner to go to the inn in custody,but the people outside refused to allow it; and these gentlemen had before them the agreeable prospect of remaining all night in this miserable room, exposed to the caprice of an infuriated mob, who appeared particularly enraged with them for having resisted as long as they were able. Mr. Lyddy, however, at last succeeded, and they were marched to the inn under his protection. It is but justice to Mr. Lyddy to say, that but for him these gentlemen’s lives would probably have been sacrificed, as they were abased and repeatedly struck, even while leaning on his arm. On their arrival at the inn they found three of their fellow travellers – Mr.Drew having been suffered to proceed, on proving that he was about to vote for Mr. Browne. There they were kept under constant watch by the parties outside; and on a supicion that they had sent for aid to rescue them, it was debated among the people whether they would not take them out of the house, and carry them off; and they were compelled to show themselves to the mob to satisfy them that they were still there. The landlord’s son, however, remained outside the door all night, and succeeded in preventing further violence. In the evening a deputation was sent to summon the attendance of the teetotalers’ bands from eight neighbouring parishes, and accordingly at night about persons marched into the town, with their drums beating, bagpipes, &c., playing. Having lighted an immense bonfire, they remained all night, shouting and vociferating in front of the inn. One party had a great drum, before which was carried a pole surmounted with a green cross, and adorned with green ribands.

“Next morning, about 9 o’clock, the stipendiary magistrate, for the first time, visited the prisoners, and expressed his regret that he had not been able to afford them any accommodation in his house. They informed him that they had thought that if he had made his appearance the day before, he might have been of some use to them. He alleged he was powerless, having but two policemen in the town, and that he had endeavoured to pacify the mob. However this may be, the gentlemen in question neither saw nor heard of his exer- tions, except from the stipendiary himself, nor knew of his being in the town. If the fact be that this magistrate had but two policemen with him, it would seem very odd that he had not provided protection for persons traveling to the election, as Mr. Sandes had been stopped by the mob on the Sunday preceding, and still remained in the house in which he had taken refuge. There was, therefore, ample time to provide a sufficient force to protect the voters proceeding to Tralee. By this forcible detention, Mr. Blennerhassett has lost the votes of those gentlemen, besides those of about as many more who were proceeding by the coach on the following day, but who stopped at Newcastle on ascertaining that they would be made prisoners at Abbeyfeale if they proceeded. These facts have been reported to Colonel M’Gregor, and depositions have been transmitted to Tralee to ground an application on to the Sheriff to adjourn the poll till a military escort can be obtained to protect the out-voters in attempting to reach Tralee.”

Carlow County – the election result 17th July 1841

This is from The Times on the 20th July 1841. The Times was fiercely pro-Tory, and very anti-Whig, anti-Catholic, and very anti-Daniel O’Connell. This has a definite slightly sinister tone to it, particularly regarding tenants.

Henry Bruen (1789-1852) was educated at Eton, and Oxford, in that fine Tory traditionAccording to www.historyofparliamentonline.org – ” At the election of 1812, Bruen, ‘young, resident, very wealthy … and lavish of his money’, contested the largely Catholic county as an opponent of Catholic relief and potential supporter of government, gaining the day with the help of a tactical blunder by Catholic voters.  At Westminster he gave a steady support to government and expected due attention to his requests for patronage in return. Peel as chief secretary was usually able to comply with them and saw to it that he became a governor of the county and colonel of the militia in 1816.” The militia was disembodied in 1816, and performed no military duties between 1816 and 1854, largely existing solely to get paid. But given they also performed police duties, probably useful having a personal police force. Bruen was an M.P. for thirty three years between 1812 and 1852, but according to www.historyofparliamentonline.org ” No speech by him is known.”

I really don’t like this man, and it doesn’t help that his speech sounds in my head like it is being spoken by Jacob Rees-Mogg, and the bogus ‘Colonel’ is doubtless absolutely spot-on on the 100,000 men ready to invade the town, and the “smiths….busy for a month…..in manufacturing pikes”


In my first despatch, forwarded by express, I announced the termination of the hard fought contest in the triumphant return of the two Conservatives, and the complete downfall of the priestly dynasty of this county. Shortly after the official declaration of the poll,

Colonel BRUEN came forward to address the electors amid loud cheers. When silence had been procured, the hon. and gallant gentleman said, that he laboured under a severe cold, which would prevent his occupying their time at any great length, but he trusted what he did say would tend to promote the object they had in view-the restoration of peace, order, and good feeling in that county. (Cheers.)  [At this stage of the proceedings one or two in the gallery, who refused to yield to the general demand and take off their hats, were turned out after considerable confusion.] He would have allowed those poor people to remain, for if they had done so they would have heard more truth than they were accustomed to. (” Hear, hear,” and a laugh.) But to come to the more immediate business before them, he assured them that it was with delight he stood there that day, after a short interval, again in the proud position of their representative. He was quite aware it was unnecessary for him to dilate on the triumph they had obtained upon the present occasion; they certainly had achieved a glorious victory, but it was that of peace and goodwill, and he hoped that would be the last contest in the county of Carlow carried on in the spirit lately exhibited by their adversaries. (Hear, hear.) They had had difficulties- great difficulties-to contend with in many quarters, but he rejoiced to say that in the county of which he had that day been elected a representative the fell spirit which had been for some time abroad had comparatively little effect (Cheers), and he gladly seized that opportunity to express his high opinion of the natural good qualities of his countrymen, whose only fault was an excess of good nature in placing entire confidence and implicit belief in their supposed friends, who they very generally found were not so sincere as they imagined The domestic agitators had been exceedingly busy for the last month in inflaming the minds of the people, and though he (Colonel Bruen) did not wish to say one word that could cause ill-feeling or give offence to the greatest enemy he had in the county, he could not, in justice to himself and the public – and he was fully aware that he was not speaking to them alone, but to the public of the British empire – refrain from expressing his surprise that a parcel of men should be allowed to come into that county, and be permitted to use for five weeks the most inflammatory language – travelling from fair to fair, from town to town, and attending at every gathering from one end of the county to the other, exciting to acts of outrage and bloodshed, and at the very doors of the resident gentlemen within this locality denouncing those who were in truth the people’s benefactors. (Cheers.) Surely, that was a state of affairs that ought not to be sanctioned or allowed in any country pretending to be civilized, and there was not in the entire of Europe another Government, even the most arbitrary, that would tolerate such conduct. (Hear, hear.) They boasted equal laws, they talked of virtuous qualities, and yet they set man against man, and, for a whole month, used their best endeavours to excite the poor people, who were naturally well-disposed, to violence. Well, passing from this topic to others more agreeable, he would remind his friends around him that they had been fighting an arduous battle for ten years past; their struggle was not for the mere elevation of any particular person to the honourable station of their representative, but it was emphatically a contest for equal laws, for liberty, civil and religious, to all, and he was happy to say that they had obtained them. (Cheers.) The result of that election would tend to increase the majority that had been obtained for Conservatives since the dissolution of Parliament. He had received a letter a few days ago from England which stated that their majority then amounted to 70. Now, considering that they were in a minority of 25 in the late House of Commons, the augmentation of their forces would prove, and he doubted not would convince the most unwilling ear of the great change that had taken place in the popular feeling. (Great cheering.) The inhabitants of three countries, so long misled by selfish agitators, who were eternally preaching liberty, though their acts proved them to be its enemies, had awakened from that delusion; they had seen the deception, and were prepared to shun it for the future, and nobly and well had their determination told, and how gloriously would it operate for their happiness, and the happiness of the empire! They might date this period as an era in history; they might look upon it as an era of bright hope for them all. (Cheers.) They had absolutely suffered a foreign invasion from no less a person than the great apostle of liberty himself (a laugh), aided by his most experienced captains, gentlemen whose very names breathed death and slaughter, who had been unceasing in their exertions, and certainly, if indefatigable industry were a subject of praise, they were well entitled to it; but they would all return from the county of Carlow with the hopelessness of ever again attempting its invasion. (Hear, hear.) On Monday last the town of Carlow was in imminent danger; upwards of 100,000 men were to have been poured in among its inhabitants, and he (Colonel Bruen) had good authority for saying that in the southern districts the smiths were busy for a month previous in manufacturing pikes. That was no invention of his; it was deposed to upon oath, and those unfortunate people were on the point of being poured into the town, an event which would have proved extremely disastrous. But thanks to the Government for its being averted, and he was happy to take that opportunity of giving the Government its just meed of praise for having responded to the call of the High Sheriff; and the officer who was sent down in command of the military was also entitled to praise for his admirable conduct throughout. (Hear, hear.) The magician who had conjured up the storm when seeing its effects began to tremble, and the fact of these masses moving in the direction of the town had such an effect upon the gentlemen who previously had been preaching war and. discord that they became exemplary pacificators (Laughter.) One word for himself. He had been described as a cruel and tyrannical landlord, exacting the last farthing from his tenantry, and therefore was it said that they should be absolved from the allegiance which they owed to their landlord. This charge could not at all events be urged against him in some instances which he would mention – A considerable number of the tenants, who owed him large sums of money – several thousand pounds – voted against him. They were individuals whom he had frequently befriended – in fact, if they were his brothers he could not have treated them with greater kindness. He had made many sacrifices to obtain their liberties, to procure which he would willingly give the last shilling he was worth in the world. Those tenants had deliberately and advisedly thrown him off and. chosen another master. He had not the least objection to this change – if the tenants were satisfied, so was he – till the previous day he could not be persuaded that they had so much folly and ingratitude – folly, because he should wonder amazingly if the promises made to them were performed, and ingratitude, because they had so shamefully deserted their friend; they had thrown off their old friends and adopted new ones, and, of course, they could not deny the same privilege to him. (Hear hear.) It was a matter of perfect indifference to him, whether they paid him the rent or not ; in all reason he was not to be put to expense without calling upon those who owed him the money to pay it. He should do so; if they paid him, well and good; he should then have the pleasure of receiving money he would never otherwise have got, and of knowing that it was paid by somebody else (Cheers); and if they embraced the other alternative, and would not pay him, nobody could blame him for getting back his land from them, and putting persons upon it who would support law and good order, and would not join any mischief makers, or the first persons who would come to them to steep the country in riot and disorder. (Cheers.) He considered it not only the duty of a landlord to support law and order himself, but to oblige those who were in any way subject to his influence to do so likewise. Those who supported the subverters of law and order he regarded as enemies to their country, and as such he was bound to deprive them of the power which they possessed to injure it. This he was now perfectly determined to do. He had been provoked many years. He had long preferred bearing this provocation to resorting to any harsh measures against his tenants, but the duty now devolved upon him of removing from his land, by all proper and lawful means, those persons who were the upholders of the disturbance, which was near ending in their destruction the other day. (Cheers.) No doubt the gentlemen who had induced those tenants to desert him had provided something better for them, otherwise they could not surely have been so heartless and cruel as to make them vote against him, when those tenants were so deeply in his debt, and when their votes were not sufficient to carry the election in their favour. If they had brought forward those poor men to sacrifice them, he left his audience to decide what they should be called. (Cheers.) The landlords of the country when they wished to obtain the votes of their tenantry used every legitimate means to effect the object, but how did their political opponents act! They entered the houses of the voters in the noon-day, and dragged them away by force. The gallant member here detailed two or three acts of violence committed upon freeholders by Mr. O’Connell’s party It had been here suggested to him (Colonel Bruen) that it was necessary for him to dwell for few moment on a topic which he considered important. It had been stated, that on a late occasion in that court, when addressing an assembly of his countrymen, he professed his determination to exterminate all Roman Catholics. Now, there were many Roman Catholics listening to him on the occasion to which he referred, and he would fearlessly appeal to them, whether or not he said any such thing; whether he did not state the precise reverse! (“Hear,” and loud cheers.) He did not keep an account of what he said; but he remembered distinctly having said this, that although he felt himself bound to take care of every Protestant elector, he felt doubly bound to take care of every loyal Roman Catholic. (Loud and continued cheering.) And he further said, that they ought not only take care of every Roman Catholic themselves, but leave it as a command to their children to take care of their children. (Great cheering.) He was neither ashamed nor afraid upon any occasion to express his opinions, and he hoped his Roman Catholic and Protestant fellow- subjects would do him the justice to discredit all the calumnies that had been written and spoken of him upon that head. (Cheers.) The hon. speaker next referred to the corn laws, and declared himself hostile to the Government proposition of a fixed duty. Nature had been so bountiful to Ireland, that she had more corn than was necessary for national use; they, therefore, exported it to England, and received a good price for it. The man who would come to him and tell him that he would be as comfortable and well off by receiving 12s. instead of 30s. per barrel for his corn, from an Englishman or any other purchaser, he should look upon as a fool, and he would deserve to be laughed at as much for his absurdity as the man who sold a pig at a fair for 5s. and thought himself as rich as if he had accepted the offer of a 30s. note. (Hear, hear.) The man, in fact, who would look forward to an amelioration of his condition by a repeal of the corn laws should be put into a lunatic asylum. The other propositions of the Government, with regard to the sugar and timber duties, were equally objectionable. (Hear, hear.) The plain fact was, if the Ministry were in their senses, they were determined to ruin the country; but, in charity, he proclaimed them to be -not wicked- but insane. In conclusion, the hon. gentleman alluded to the absence of his worthy colleague, Mr. Bunbury, which had been caused by his patriotic desire to assist the friends of the constitution in other counties. (Cheers.) If the constituency of Carlow had searched the united empire, they could not have selected a man more calculated to advance their interests in Parliament and support the good cause than his highly esteemed friend Mr. Bunbury. (Loud cheers.)

Kerry election – 14th July 1841

This is from The Times on the 20th July 1841. It was fiercely pro-Tory, and very anti-Whig, anti-Catholic, and very anti-Daniel O’Connell.

Again there’s a wodge of family in this one, all detailed at the end of the post.


The election for this county commenced yesterday, and the polling this day. The candidates are Mr. M.J. O’Connell and the Hon. Mr. Browne on the Liberal interest, and Messrs. Blennerhassett and Mahony on the Conservative side, the latter gentleman being nominated for the purpose of keeping even tallies with the Liberals.

How the election will go it is difficult to say at present, in consequence of the open and bloody intimidation that is being practised on the voters in Mr. Blennerhessett’s interest, the priestly denunciations against those who intend to support that gentleman, and above all, the powerful landed influence which is at work to oust him from the representation. Notwithstanding all this the contest will be a close one, and, were the kidnapping system not persevered in, there is not the least doubt but that the Liberals would be in a minority. To such an extent is this conduct carried that the cars are stopped on the public roads and the Conservative voters carried off in triumph and made prisoners of. Last night seven voters were thus forcibly taken off the coach at Abbeyfeale, while a Liberal voter, also a pas- senger, was permitted to remain, but sworn, it is said, to go to the poll; 18 of Mr. Eager’s tenantry were carried off on Monday, and placed in the committee-rooms of the Hon. Mr. Browne. On the same day a number of voters, under the protection of Mr. Herbert, of Muckross, Captain Fairfield, and Mr. M’Gillicuddy, were attacked at Kilorglin by a mob of several hundred persons; stones were thrown, the former gentleman was struck, and one man was killed. I have this moment returned from the inquest, and from the evidence adduced there is no doubt that the attack was premeditated. The inquest has been adjourned to tomorrow, for the purpose of obtaining additional evidence to identify some of the parties. This system has told well for the Radicals, in preventing those inclined to vote for Blennerhassett from coming to town, while others, more courageous, are kidnapped to prevent their coming in. Thus the timid are alarmed, and the determined are imprisoned. It is, therefore, impossible to state what the result of the election will be, until it is seen how many of Mr. Blennerhassett’s friends can be recovered, which it is hoped will be known tomorrow. I am credibly informed that there are now over 200 who are in this manner prevented from voting. A petition has already been threatened by Mr. Blennerhassett, a threat which has sensibly affected the nerves of the Liberals, for an attorney in their interest this day left town to bring in the seven voters who were taken from off the coach to enable them to vote for Mr. Blennerhassett.

The constituency of Kerry is 1,381.

The following is the state of the poll at 6 o’clock this evening.

Morgan J. O’Connell … 144

Hon. W. Brown…   … … … 138

Mr. Blennerhassett … … … 127

Mr. Mahony … … … 12

P.S. The majority is caused by the Liberals winning the toss for the first tally, and having the last tally in the evening.


The state of the gross poll at its close this (the third) day was as follows:-

O’Connell (R.) . .. … … 472

Browne (R.) . … … 451

Blennerhassett (C.) … … .. 370

And this is an addition from The Times, the following day, the 21st July 1841.

KERRY. TRALEE, JULY 17. As intimidation increases, so doth the majority of the Radical candidates. At the close of this day’s poll the gross numbers were:-

O’Connell . … … … … 652

Browne . … .. .. … 652

Blennerhassett … … … 428

Hickson … … 24

The following are a few of the cases of intimidation that have come to my knowledge:-

Coming to Tralee, were met by a mob, and obliged to return to Clare! Mr. Hickson and Mr. Sandes obliged to swear that they would not vote! Dr. Taylor sent back from Killarney, and Mr. R. J.T. Orpen obliged to return to Dublin without voting! Mr. Bland detained at Newcastle; while at Abbeyfeale the mob actually lit fires in the streets, the better to enable them to watch the detained voters during the night. Those are acts of intimidation committed without Tralee. I will now give you melancholy evidence that intimidation is attempted to be carried into effect in the Court-house, at the moment they are about to poll for Mr. Blennerhassett. Yesterday a voter came up in No. 2 booth, in the tally of Mr. Blennerhassett, and when the usual question was put, ” Whom do you vote for ?” a person from the gallery addressed the voter and told him to take care of himself when on his way home. The poor man, no way daunted at the threat, voted for Mr. Blennerhassett; when another patriot – more properly speaking a fiend – exclaimed in Irish, ” Death without the priest to you.” From what I have seen I fear that Mr. Blennerhassett has now no chance of success. To add to the likelihood of that, it is to be regretted that several friends of his, in various places, did not attend and poll, and support a body of  Roman Catholic tenantry who, in the face of priestly power and local intimidation, boldly came forward, and, as far as in them lay, supported Mr. Blennerhassett.

Morgan John O’Connell and Arthur Blennerhassett were the sitting M.P.’s; Morgan John had been first elected for the seat in 1835 and continued to hold it until 1847. Blennerhassett had won his seat at the last election [1837 – triggered by the death of William IV]. 

Morgan John was Dan O’Connell’s nephew, and he replaced Charles O’Connell, Dan’s son-in-law.  Charles is also yet another 1st cousin 1x removed of 5x great aunt Mary Grehan [neé Roche]. Morgan John O’Connell is related slightly differently, his great-uncle and aunt Thomas Coppinger and Dora Barry are also William Henry Barry’s great-uncle and aunt, and he WHB is married to [1st cousin 3x removed] Pauline Roche. And in that 1st cousin 1x removed thing, Bartholomew Verling who is helping to ensure Dan the man is being elected in Cork County is Pauline Roche’s 1st cousin 1x removed.

William Browne is also almost a relation. His wife is a 2nd cousin 4x removed because she is the grand-daughter of that familiar couple 5x great-uncle and aunt Peter and Mary Grehan [neé Roche].

County of Cork.—Mr. O’Connell a Candidate. 12th July 1841

This has been buried in a mass of information about the election in 1841 for a couple of years whilst I worked out how to best deal with it. This specific post caught my eye whilst I was trying to deal with which Bartholomew Verling was which. What it really did spark was the whole series of posts on the 1841 election.

The important thing to know is the election was stretched over almost a fortnight. So when Daniel O’Connell wasn’t elected in Dublin City, he was still able to stand in Cork County. He was also on the ballot, and elected in Meath.

What is quite so surprising is how many of the family are in this one, all detailed at the end of the post.


Monday Night, July 12th .—Mr. O’Connell, the victim of foul play and Orange chicanery in Dublin, is now the leading candidate for the representation in Parliament of the Yorkshire of Ireland,—of the county of Cork,—with its million of inhabitants. Authorized by the two gentlemen—Messrs. Roche and Barry, the former members—the committee in the direction of the Liberal electoral interests despatched on Saturday night a gentleman, Bartholomew Verling, Esq., of Cove, with full power to announce to Mr. O’Connell the retirement of one, or, if necessary, of both the gentlemen by whom the county had been represented, in order that the interests of the country might be promoted, and the successful machinations of the Tories in other places met and counterbalanced. Mr. Verling arrived at Carlow yesterday, where he met Mr. O’Connell, and at full work for the independence of that proverbially Tory-Orange county. The liberator of his country received the communication with delight. Mr. Verling posted to Cork, and arrived at seven this morning. The committee sat at eight. Mr. O’Connell’s letter was then read, and before nine o’clock the city was all commotion. Placards were posted in every direction. In the mean time, the Tory arrivals were incessant and numerous; and when, at twelve o’clock, the county court was thrown open, and-the usual frightful crush and crash of the populace took place, the appearance of things rightfully indicated how, as it is said here, “the cat hopped.’ Mr. G. Standish Barry presented himself. Greatly did he regret that circumstances had arisen that placed him in the position of retiring from the high and distinguished honour of being a.candidate for the fourth time, for the representation of the county. But the temporary defeat of Ireland’s liberator required that some one, should make the sacrifice ; and in his person that sacrifice was now made. He had pleasure in retiring for Mr. O’Connell (tremendous cheering), not simply of retiring, but he had the great gratification of proposing as the representative of the county of Cork in Parliament, Daniel O’Connell, Esq. (Awful cheering.) In an excellent speech, well delivered and well received, the nomination was seconded by Francis Bernard Beamish, Esq., our late representative for the city .of Cork. Nothing could exceed the wild enthusiasm of the people at having before them as a candidate Mr. O’Connell. The scene was at times terrific. Proposed by Daniel Clanchy, Esq. J.P. of Charleville, and seconded by Eugene M’Carthy, Esq., Of Ruthroe, Mr. Burke Roche was introduced to the constituency. The reception was enthusiastic. The Conservative candidates Messrs. Leader and Longfield, met with a sorry reception. The high sheriff (Mr. Barry) appealed in their behalf in vain. The Tories will persevere to the last. But such a defeat as awaits them

The above text was found on p.6, 17th July 1841 in “The Tablet: The International Catholic News Weekly.” Reproduced with kind permission of the Publisher. The Tablet can be found at http://www.thetablet.co.uk .

The text below is taken from the Spectator also on 17th July 1841. Both papers took a strongly anti-Tory stance

The Spectator 17 July 1841: CORK COUNTY has been a candidate for the honour of returning Mr. O’Connell. As soon as it was known that he was thrown out at Dublin, Mr. Standish Barry retired to make room for him. Mr. Burke Roche stood with him. The Tory candidates were Mr. Phillpotts Leader and Mr. Longfield.

In the letter accepting the invitation of the electors to stand, Mr. O’Connell says-

” We cannot disguise to ourselves the fact, that my defeat in Dublin will give an insolent confidence to our enemies—to the bigoted enemies of Ireland. They will gladly hail it as a proof of the declining strength of the popular power, a proof which would be annihilated by a victory in my name in such a county as Cork. It strikes me that we should thus counteract time Dublin loss. It is quite true that such loss was occasioned by means which betoken the depravity of our adversaries, and not any alteration in popular opinion or in popular determination. Still, it requires to be counteracted ; and such counteraction would be only the more powerful by my being unnecessarily returned for your county. But I do not think I could be personally present in Cork before Wednesday morning. Under these circumstances, I leave myself in sour hands. You command my services—you command my political action. If it is thought fit to elect me for Cork county, I will sit for that county, and none other, in this Parliament. The coming into operation of the Municipal Bill, however insufficient in other respects that bill may be, will enable me to regain Dublin.”

CORK CITY. The Liberals, Daniel Callaghan and Francis Murphy, triumphed here, over Colonel Chatterton and Mr. Morris. The Tories complain of intimidation and obstruction. On the 8th, an elector was killed. The Cork Constitution says-

” The organization was complete. Every ‘enemy ‘ was known and marked; and, as he quitted the booth, a chalk on his back commended him to ‘ justice.’ If the military were outside, execution was deferred ; but they ‘ dogged ‘ him till the danger was past, and then a shout or a wink pointed him for vengeance. The women were usually the first ; the courageous men came after, and the unfortunate fellow was beat, and cut, and trampled. Then is the triumph of diabolical enmity. A demoniac shout is raised, and even a woman dances in the blood! We write a literal fact : when Mr. Norwood’s skull was broken in the manner described on Thursday, one of the female followers of Murphy and Callaghan actually danced in the blood that lay red upon the ground.”

The family bits.

Just to recap, Bartholomew Verling of Cove has two grandsons also called Bartholomew Verling who are first cousins. The elder Bartholomew Verling (1786 – 1855) of Cove is John Roche of Aghada’s nephew twice over. His mother is John Roche’s sister, Ellen, and his father is Mary Roche’s (nee Verling) brother, John Verling. His brother is Dr James Roche Verling (1787 – 1858) was one of Napoléon’s doctors on St. Helena [making both of them 1st cousins 5x removed].

Roche and Barry” are Edmond Burke Roche, and Garrett Standish Barry. Barry was the first Catholic MP elected to represent Cork County after the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829, and was elected in 1832. Roche was elected in 1837.  

Garrett Standish Barry (1788-1864) is the 1st cousin 1x removed of 5x great aunt Mary Grehan, and his great-nephew Henry Standish Barry was at Downside with 2x great uncle Frank Purssell, and a guest at his wedding.

Edmond Burke Roche is slightly more complicated. He is the 1st cousin 1x removed of General Edmund Roche whose wife Anna Austin was Charles Cooper Penrose-Fitzgerald’s aunt. Charles C P-F’s wife was Henrietta Hewson which made her a 2nd cousin of 3x great aunt Mary O’Bryen. 

Edmond Burke Roche also has the distinction of being Prince Harry’s great, great, great grandfather. 

Dan Callaghan was the M.P for Cork City for nineteen years from 1830 until his death in 1849 aged 63. His sister Catherine was married to James Joseph Roche another 1st cousin 5x removed, and a 1st cousin of the Verling boys.

And finally, Dan the man himself is the father-in-law of a 1st cousin 1x removed of 5x great aunt Mary Grehan.